A Brief History of the Irish Student Anti-Austerity Movement Since The 2010s
László Molnárfi
Wednessday 12 March 2025
Introduction
Theory is necessary to guide us. Without theory pertaining to the material context, we are sailors of a ship neither its origin nor destination known. In this piece, the history of the student movement in the 32 counties of Ireland is described throughout the 2010s with a special focus on anti-austerity resistance. This is done in the hopes that future student radicals will study the text and draw relevant conclusions for revolutionary praxis through the lens of class struggle.
2010-2015
Catalysed by the onset of austerity, the 25,000 to 40,000 marching students on November 3rd 2010 were split into two camps under the banner of the Union of Students Ireland (USI). On the one hand, students protested the proposed increase to third-level fees, further cuts to the student maintenance grant, increasing graduate unemployment and emigration levels, chanting “no ifs, no buts, no education cuts”, and on the other, students protested neoliberal-driven austerity measures imposed by the state, carrying red flags and revolutionary slogans. It is clear that the leadership of the student movement was split between two poles, and it is hard to tell what percentage of support each vanguard had, but their existence nevertheless represents a reformist and revolutionary current, a trend that continues throughout the decades. Events came to a head when a group of 30 decided to break away from the tightly-controlled official march, and occupied the Department of Finance, resulting in a violent Gardaí response. The atmosphere became militant and hundreds of students were standing outside the building in solidarity[1]. The official student movement roundly condemned the protestors[2], in line with the respectability politics they practised, a position which was only withdrawn years later on July 29th 2013 after a Garda Ombudsman report blamed the Gardaí for the violence[3]. Reflecting the official student movement, the USI President at the time was Fianna Fáil-member Gary Redmond, a careerist student leader who was apolitical and favoured a lobbyist approach[4].
On the same day, in response to the police violence, about 300 students proceeded to engage in a sit-down protest at the Dáil, followed by 30 marching to Pearse Street Garda Station, where it was believed the arrested protestors were held[5]. Another march protesting police violence took place on November 10th 2010, with up to 500 students taking part[6]. This was organised by Free Education for Everyone (FEE) and Students in Solidarity (SIS)[7], with the support of trade unionists and Socialist Workers’ Party (SWP)[8], Éirígí[9], Sinn Féin and the United Left Alliance (ULA). The anarchists such as Workers’ Solidarity Movement (WSM) were active in the student movement too. Out of these groups, it is FEE which was the best known amongst the student body, and which drove the radical student movement. Before the massive ‘Education, Not Emigration’ march of November 3rd 2010 when the USI disavowed student radicals, FEE was active in various campuses organising petitions, direct action and campaigns[10][11].
FEE Student Activism Pre-2010Student activist Conall Ó’Dufaigh recalls pre-2010 FEE as follows: “I first got involved in FEE a few weeks after it was set up in autumn 2008. While it never got the on-campus traction of its predecessor CFE [Campaign for Free Education] (UCD campaign c.2004), it did manage to bring together a very wide array of leftists ranging from the more mainstream Labour, Sinn Féin to Anarchists, Trotskyists and even the 32 County Sovereignty movement. FEE also managed to network across campuses in a way that CFE had not. The country had just fallen into recession and there was a growing drive to do something about it”. “Our common tactics were on campus blockades of politicians, usually drawing around 200 students to participate. We also began small-scale occupations of politicians’ and university officials’ offices and urged and supported the SUs proper to do the same”, he continues. In 2008-2009, the University College Dublin’s (UCD) FEE ran a slate for the student union elections, they lost, demoralising the group, and pushing the radical student movement into an ‘ultra-left’ direction. That is to say, the radical student movement would make little to no effort to engage with the student unions to take over their leadership during these years. When the government coalition of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party and the Progressive Democrats at the time announced that they will not be bringing in direct tuition fees in October 2009[12], UCD FEE voted to dissolve themselves. This was followed by the collapse of FEE across the island, except for Maynooth University (MU), according to his recollection. A short period of demoralisation set in, followed by an upsurge. The SIS group was set up as “an attempt by a number of UCD activists to maintain the pan-left working relationships we had built up in FEE, while having a broader mandate of issues to campaign on”. Another student activist, Páidí McCarrick, involved in MU FEE which avoided the fate of the other branches, recalls that “the main organising focused around the appointment of Bertie Ahern as an honorary professor at the university. Approx 1,200 staff and students signed a petition calling for this to be rescinded which out of a student body of around 7-8k was a significant portion to collect by hand. We were outraged that the man seen as one of the main architects of Ireland’s economic collapse and facing corruption allegations was being awarded with such a position. 800 students marched to deliver it to President John Hughes in December 2009 and we claimed victory from the fact that Bertie was unable to give his lectures on our campus and they instead held it in a local hotel”. He further mentions that “other organising based around supporting public sector strikes (we had good relationships with left-wing lecturers of which NUIM [MU] had a good few), and getting elected reps on SU Council in order to get NUIM SU [MSU] to rejoin USI”. This highlights a level of flexibility in their politics. “The college had not been a member since 2001 and FEE was instrumental in the grassroots campaign to first get the referendum which took place in February 2010. FEE actively campaigned in favour and it passed with over 74% of the vote and a stipulation that it could not be voted on again for three years“, he says. As an insight into the tactics and strategy of MU FEE, he opposes ‘taking over’ the student unions to this day, saying that “We never had too much success at NUIM SU [MSU] elections – I was introduced to the term “bourgeois theatre” by an anarchist comrade during one election cycle and I’m increasinging convinced that they aren’t worth doing unless it’s for a group’s profile raising, fundraising or recruitment”. The upsurge of organizing started when it had become clear that the state, while not introducing direct tuition fees, was going to augment the student contribution charge, a de facto fee increase, and hence the ensuing protests. The groups listed as the organizers of the breakaway march of November 3rd 2010 were thus FEE and SIS. “SIS was effectively retired around a week later when a meeting in UCD voted in a landslide to reopen the FEE branch. I had no problem doing this, but voted against it as I felt it wasn’t as urgent as a protest we were planning alongside academic staff. These kinds of tactical disagreements were common; we had drive, but not direction. In any case there were a number of active FEE branches working at this time, the most prominent perhaps were NUIM, UCD, Galway and QUB with other active branches around the country. Some previous branches from 08/09 (Cork, Limerick) didn’t re-emerge. We also had new branches in smaller technical colleges and walkouts of school students (one in Dublin and one in Mayo, which got some attention). It was around this time that we created some formal structure. Bi-annual conferences to decide policy, an elected media team, a secure online forum run off the Seomra Spraoi server etc”, he says. |
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With varying levels of membership post-2010, FEE were active in Queen’s University Belfast (QUB), MU, UCD, Trinity College Dublin (TCD) and the National University of Ireland Galway (NUIG), representing an attempt to organise on a national level and pressure USI. Some pre-2010 branches, specifically University College Cork (UCC) and University of Limerick (UL), did not re-emerge. None of the branches held any local or national sabbatical officer positions.
The fall-out from the November 3rd 2010 scandal was immediate, with back-and-forths in the media. The radical students, having been sidelined by the official student movement, retreated and regrouped to regain their strength. This proved difficult, as the events had left them traumatised. A research paper by Liath Vaughan describes the situation as follows: “After the protest FEE disintegrated and many of my participants attributed this to the protest and the lack of a ‘mutual care plan’ in place to deal with the experience of the day […] After the protest, FEE were in disarray and although the action had created momentum and publicity around FEE, interviewees felt that FEE did not have the resources or capacity to deal with the fallout and were in disarray because of a lack of trust. […] ‘we didn’t really know how to capitalise on what had just happened and how to turn that into momentum into another struggle’”[13]. Student activist Conall Ó’Dufaigh concurs, saying that “We didn’t really have any conversations about the impact of being beaten up on our mental health, let alone the impact of being arrested or just the regular stress of activism. I feel this contributed to tensions within the movement. Despite our progressive politics there was probably a bit of a macho attitude there. We had a major drive for students to report their injuries to the Garda Ombudsman. I had a bunch of bruises from November 3, but I never put in a report about myself. I imagine there were others like me”. In addition he points out that intergroup tensions were present, specifically “different political parties, particularly those with some form of democratic centralism, were sending their activists to our meetings with prepared arguments on what we should do next”, highlighting the presence of Trotskyist entryism which had a negative effect on group unity. As he highlighted earlier, “We had drive, but not direction”, and in conclusion “Long story short is that we failed to build on the momentum we had gained. And I think it comes down to organisation. Our equivalent groups in the UK very shortly afterwards had a similar headline grabbing protest, but in their case they were far better organised beforehand and in a better position to capitalise in the months ahead”. Another student activist who was chanting outside the Department of Finance during the sit-in, Páidí McCarrick, recalls that “It was completely non-violent and there was a sense of empowerment following the great energy that was on the demonstration. We were standing against a coalition who were sliding into oblivion and selling us out in the process. It was a nuisance of course, but that was the point. And it was something more than what had happened in previous years. The response from the Gardaí was pretty brutal and many of those caught up in the violence – which included kettling, violent dispersal, batoning, and horse charges – were likely on their very first demonstration. We were Celtic Tiger babies and that was the first taste of state power for many I’m sure” and that the movement “dissipated for a while as we dealt with that. I’m sure it was traumatic for many and as a group I think we could have dealt with that better”. He continues, saying that “FEE actions were always met with more violence and legal threats for the fact that they weren’t performative. The egging at UCD and Castlebar occupation brought a lot of stress towards the students in FEE and I think as a wider national network we should have handled that better in terms of support. Burnout, graduation and emigration, internal relationships all took its toll”. It is certain that the events of November 3rd 2010 marked a ‘traumatic departure’[14] for the student movement in which protestors were confronted with the power of the state, shattering democratic illusions and revealing raw force behind liberal ideology. As a result of failing to reinscribe events within a shared discourse, unlike their counterparts in the United Kingdom who proclaimed the Millbank Tower clashes on November 10th 2010 as a symbol of defiance, the radical vanguard of the student movement had been weakened, and this undoubtedly affected the broader student movement and anti-austerity movement too. The state forces lockstep with the leadership of the official student movement, tightening into one rigid assemblage of disciplinary power, acting in the shadow of the despotic signifier of paternalism; and so at one point in time the students chant, hopeful to make change by appealing to the state, and at the next the state responds, and everything changes, as the students are struck by the batons of the Gardaí, and the horses are charged ahead, and skulls are cracked, and faces are streaked with blood, and screams are heard, and it is as such that this hammer is wielded, comes crashing down, on the people. The symbolic order is disrupted; the event cannot be assimilated; apathy sets in as the new signifier after the rupture. The message becomes: ‘Feign to fight back, performatively – do not cross this line!’. There was no Irish Corbynism because there was no Irish Millbank Tower; there is Irish apathy because there was Irish November 3rd 2010.
Figures 1-3: Moments of the ‘traumatic departure’ of November 3rd 2010[15][16]
On November 18th 2010, over 2,000 Galway students from NUIG and the Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology (GMIT) participated in a march, which passed without incident[17]. USI claimed victory in the same month by preventing an immediate rise in the student fees to €3,000[18]. On December 9th 2010, 1,500-2,000 students in Belfast protested against their own version of austerity imposed by Westminster which saw the possibility of people being charged up to £9,000 a year for tuition as well as cuts to financial support and were met with police violence[19][20]. The groups involved were QUB FEE, Northern Ireland Public Service Alliance (NIPSA), secondary school-students and an assortment of leftist groups[21]. About 30 students engaged in a sit-down protest and were met with heavy-handed police tactics[22][23]. QUB Students’ Union (QUBSU) condemned the protest[24]. In Derry, 300 took to the streets on the same day[25]. The history of the student movement in the North of Ireland is contingent on that of its counterpart in the United Kingdom due to the continued occupation of the six counties, which will be discussed later.
Figure 4: Police remove students from their sit-down protest outside Belfast City Hall on the 9th of December 2010[26]
In the South of Ireland, while an immediate rise to €3,000 was prevented, the increase to €2,000 in December 2010 already represented a burden on students’ access to education[27]. At the time, the government coalition was composed of Fianna Fáil and the Green Party. Following this, USI once again claimed success by convincing the Labour Party’s education spokesperson Ruairi Quinn to sign a pledge binding him to opposing and campaigning against “any new form of third level fees including student loans, graduate taxes and any further increase in the Student Contribution” in February 2011[28]. It soon became clear that declaring victory on this was premature too. Students, staff and families suspected that the government would break this pledge. Starting from March 2011, the government was composed of Fine Gael and the Labour Party. Within FEE, there was a split as the softer left (those aligned with the Labour Party) peeled off from the harder left (revolutionary socialists) once the coalition entered into force. Student activist Páidí McCarrick says that “the 2011 GE saw FF out but the betrayal of the students by Labour in coalition with FG. The signing of the giant pledge was one of the most performative pieces of politics I have ever seen. Tensions over this saw the Labour Youth faction peel away”.
Without institutional student power that is ready to engage in mass militant actions, having excluded them, the official student movement had no recourse but to further entrench itself in lobbyism. Meanwhile, on October 26th 2011, Occupy UCD was set up, a student affinity group for the Occupy Dame Street movement[29]. At USI’s November 16th 2011 ‘Stop Fees, Save the Grant’ protest, radical student groups were forbidden from entering the student rally in an act of political discrimination[30][31][32]. This protest attracted 15,000, with one student newspaper remarking the lower turnout[33]. Sensing the heat, local and national student union officers attempted to replicate the radical strategies of the wing of the student movement that they sought to exclude. Lacking experience with direct action, and without the help of student militants, they floundered, making the mistake of coming in small numbers. On November 29th 2011, ten student union presidents attempted to occupy the Department of Enterprise Jobs and Innovation, but left once Gardaí arrived on scene. They left because they could not barricade the room and close the door, and so the Gardaí would have no trouble removing them. Four of them then proceeded to occupy the Department of Social Protection. They packed weeks worth of food and even a chemical toilet. They were arrested immediately[34][35][36][37]. The fees pledge was then broken in December 2011[38]. Starting from this date, USI entered an intensified period of distrusting mass movements, saw the moderate tendency cemented within its ranks, and having previously faced defeat in stopping fee increases, began a ritualistic pattern of holding the same milquetoast annual protest.
Figure 5: Gardaí and USI stewards form ‘human chain’ to block radical student groups from entering the march on November 16th 2011[39]
This sort of planned press management which is substituted for mass action will become a key staple of the official student movement over the years. Its defining characteristic in this case is direct action with small numbers made up mostly by student representatives and in general, performative protesting. A research paper by Steve Conlon states: “The Irish student movement may hold demonstrations and pickets while engaged in a campaign, but direct action is usually confined to fringe groups or, in the case of the national students’ union – the Union of Students in Ireland (USI), a product of planned press management rather than any real attempt to show affinity with radical political action”[40]. However, direct action continued, and on the November 30th 2011, students from FEE occupied government TD Brian Walsh’s office in Galway[41]. Shortly after, on December 2nd 2011, a group of just eight students led by the Maynooth Students’ Union (MSU) occupied Fine Gael’s Anthony Lawlor’s constituency office[42]. Student radical Páidí McCarrick noted the careerist streak and performativity inherent in the latter by stating that “the NUIM SU occupation of FG TD Anthony Lawlor’s office was part of this farce [of student union politics] – one of the participants is now a Fianna Fail TD who had temporarily disavowed his party following its electoral evisceration! The irony is not lost that Gary Redmond – who had condemned FEE’s department of finance occupation – also took part in an occupation in 2011 once FF were out of power“.
On April 15th 2012, an “astonishing array of groups” including students picketed the Labour Party conference at NUIG, ending in violent scenes[43]. This initiative was not led or commented on by the local or national students’ union, indicating a distrust of grassroots organising and avenues of change-making that do not abide by respectability politics. By this time, the official student movement’s leadership on anti-austerity had substantially receded. For instance, USI’s leadership was attempting to change the organisation’s stance on exchequer-funding to a graduate tax at the May 2012[44] Congress, which failed. Adam McGibbon, a delegate at this meeting, stated: “Despite all indications and expectations (including my own) being that delegates would back a graduate tax, only nine delegates voted for a graduate tax while ninety backed free education on the first count. Bizarrely, the status quo (the much-maligned and increasingly unaffordable ‘student contribution charge’) received eighty votes”[45]. The pressure was still on the official student movement by radical groups. However, the fact that the question of whether or not to adopt a graduate tax regime was even broached is indicative of a political climate of apoliticism. “The apolitical turn of students (and most of their representatives) in the last decade and before is reflected in its workings. Its leadership often belongs to one of the two large right-wing parties that dominate Irish politics, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael. Like those parties, they espouse no principles, only endless pragmatism. It has long forsaken ties with its most obvious allies – the trade union movement”[46], he writes. Across the student movement, demoralisation set in and engagement started to dwindle.
Figure 6: Protestors and Gardaí clash outside of NUIG where the Labour Party conference was being hosted on April 15th 2012[47]
History of Tuition Fees In IrelandTuition fees for third-level were abolished in the mid-1990s, however, this has resulted in the government being tempted to slowly cut funding. While student numbers increased, so did taxpayer’s investments in academia, but the overall money available per-student has been decreasing. For example, real expenditure per student at third-level decreased from €10,806 in 2007 to €7,089 in 2016, a drop of 34.4%[48]. This is despite the fact that between 2007 and 2016, public spending on education increased by 5.1%[49]. The increases in funding are thus not enough to keep up with the increases in student numbers. It is simply not enough, and this has resulted in the corporatisation of academia, where they have to make up for the loss of state funding by operating like for-profit businesses, cutting courses and downsizing services like counselling. The process of corporatisation has also seen the loss of democracy within academia, with once-lively student and academic committees making decisions being replaced by closed, managerial and elite decision-making bodies. The so-called “Free Fees Initiative” introduced in the mid-90s quickly became a myth as student charges steadily increased. In 1996, the registration charge was €150. In 2006, it was €800. By 2007, this had risen to €825, and in 2008, it increased to €900. A significant jump occurred in 2009 when students were required to pay €1,500. In 2011, the fee rose to €2,000, followed by an increase to €2,250 in 2012. By 2013, students were paying €2,500, which climbed to €2,750 in 2014. Finally, in 2015, the charge reached €3,000, where it has remained ever since[50]. |
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The year after, USI held a series of ‘regional protests’ in November 2012 against government proposals with the slogan ‘Fed Up? Stand Up!’[51]. A €250 fee increase was planned for each year in succession until 2015 when it would reach €3,000 and further cuts to the maintenance grant were also in the works. This was a switch in strategy from a national to a local protest. The one in Cork on November 5th 2012 attracted 1,000 students from UCC and Cork Institute of Technology (CIT)[52], with one student newspaper commenting that the turnout was lower than in previous years[53]. On November 12th 2012, about 140 students at the Institute of Technology Tallaght (ITT) attempted to block Education Minister Ruairí Quinn from leaving campus[54]. The protest in Galway involving NUIG, Galway-Mayo Institute of Technology (GMIT) and Athlone Institute of Technology (AIT) on November 14th 2012 attracted a crowd of 3,000[55]. On the same day, 100 students attended a debate in the Dáil gallery, with USI President John Logue refusing to leave and being arrested after the government voted not to freeze student fees[56]. Over 500 students from Institute of Art, Design and Technology (IADT) and UCD attended a protest in Dún Laoghaire on November 19th 2012 at the Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore’s office[57]. On the same day, students from St Angela’s College protested outside the office of Fine Gael TD John Perry, and students from Dundalk Institute of Technology (DkIT) targeted Fine Gael TD Peter Fitzpatrick[58]. On November 21st 2012, 100 students in Belfast protested against cuts to financial supports[59], organized by the National Union of Students – Union of Students in Ireland (NUS-USI) and their member unions. On November 22nd 2012, the USI held a protest outside the Department of Education[60]. On November 29th 2012, members of UCD’s FEE branch attempted to egg Taoiseach Enda Kenny[61][62]. On November 30th 2012, 70 students held a protest outside Labour Party TD Ciara Conway’s constituency office[63]. Six Galway students, five of whom were student representatives, were arrested after staging a lock-in at Taoiseach Enda Kenny’s office in Castlebar to protest the impact of government budget cuts on students on December 12th 2012[64] – yet another student union direct action with low numbers. Overall, about 4,500 students were mobilized this time around. In USI’s own reports, it can be seen that they do not host any further protests after this date as part of the national campaign[65][66].
Figure 7: Students surrounding Ruarí Quinn’s car at ITT on November 12th 2012[67]
The predictability of the protest cycle and the failure to build institutional student power that can exert pressure throughout the academic term is an error of the official student movement. On top of this, the relationship between student unions and trade unions was shaky at best, as a result of lacking mutual solidarity. For example, in the case of the November 29th 2009 public sector strike, at Trinity the student union supported the picket[68], whereas in UCD they advised students to pass the picket line[69][70]. Student-worker solidarity is a crucial aspect of any movement that seeks to challenge the commercialisation of academia.
At the same time, a lot of the radical groups were losing momentum, due to the myriad of factors mentioned by student activists: the ‘traumatic departure’ of November 3rd 2010, emigration affecting especially worse-off students (who made up a sizable proportion of the radical groups) and burnout to name a few. People who graduated also went on to join campaigns outside of academia such as the domestic version of the Occupy camps, the marriage equality referendum[71] and the anti-water tax movement, but that is outside the scope of this analysis. This does not mean that the radical student movement was dead; in fact students were involved in the aforementioned campaigns. Notably, it was around this time that radical students set up their own media apparatus. In January 2013, Irish Student Left Online (ISLO) was founded, which was published until June 2014[72]. This platform was used to continue the political struggle against the right-wing infiltration of the USI, with one article from March 2013 mentioning that both “Ógra Fianna Fáil and Labour Youth have subtly controlled the local and national unions for a considerable amount of time”[73] and another from the same month lamenting that the passing of an anti-austerity motion at USI Congress was controversial[74]. The struggle against austerity was thus both a struggle against the academic institution, the state, and the student unions who were inconsistent in their class allegiance, enmeshed in bureaucracy and focused on service provision rather than politics[75].
A possible barrier to the radical student movement was the inability to agree on whether entryism and dual-power are viable strategies for local and national student unions, with various back-and-forths on this topic in ISLO. In the 2010-2015 period overall, radicals hardly participated in these structures via entryism, and certainly not to the extent of dual-power by running candidates for sabbatical officer positions. The left-wing of the student movement took inspiration from Quebec’s 2012 student strikes rather than events in the United Kingdom or elsewhere[76]. The student unions in Quebec were much more radical at the outset, and so the students in Ireland were thinking of replicating this but in grassroots groups, because the radical transformation of the official student movement to that extent would be impossible within the time span and the liberal atmosphere they were working with.
Meanwhile, as these debates were taking place, students at QUB organized against their student union’s attempts to privatise and outsource security jobs, and collected over 1,200 signatures on the matter in one day, on April 30th 2013[77]. In the QUBSU referendum triggered by the signatures held on May 9th 2013, 97% of students voted to oppose the outsourcing efforts with a total poll of 1,388[78]. On May 13th 2013, QUBSU pledged an independent review of the outsourcing attempt following the referendum[79].
At USI’s October 1st 2013 annual protest in Dublin, only 350 students showed up, with one student newspaper opinion piece commenting that the “USI have copyrighted the student’s movement and reinvented it as a powerless lobby group. They have turned away from action and towards suits, TDs’ offices and Buswell’s. They don’t want to rock the boat because they want to get into the boat” and that the “protest” had a faux-carnival atmosphere brought to us by the DIT Samba Soc, who we must have thanked at least 15 times”[80]. The slogan was ‘Fight For Your Future Now’. 50 students showed up from TCD[81]. USI changed its strategy from last year, and centralised responsibility for organizing the national action, but kept the regional approach[82]. The messaging focused on sending a message to the government, not on criticising political parties[83]. Apart from Dublin, there was a protest held in Cork involving UCC, Cork Institute of Technology (CIT), Limerick Institute of Technology (LIT), Waterford Institute of Technology (WIT), ITT and IT Carlow, and Sligo involving Sligo IT, with a turnout of 1,000 and 2,000 students respectively[84]. In total, around 3,500 students were mobilized nationwide. USI attempted to mobilize a 50,000 student voter list, but could only register a fraction of this, and did not give guidance as to voting out the government parties due to its apolitical approach[85]. Local protests continued. Students at UL protested Taoiseach Enda Kenny on October 16th 2013[86]. On October 19th 2013, the ‘Defend the University’ charter against austerity affecting academia was launched that students and staff could sign, and supported by the trade unions, spearheaded by revolutionary socialist and trade unionist Ronnie Munck[87]. At the time, he said that workers and students “believe in the same thing… We believe in education as a public good””[88], highlighting student-worker solidarity as a core tenet of challenging the commercialisation of academia. There was also a protest organized at UCD against rent hikes in 2013, but due to lack of sources the month and turnout remain unknown[89], but it is most likely related to the campaign launched on November 19th 2013 about the unfair treatment of student residents by management[90]. On December 4th 2013 students at St. Angela’s College in Sligo protested timetabling issues with political undertones[91]. Overall, the number of protests dwindled. On March 6th 2014, NUIG students voted to support Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions against Israel (BDS) in a referendum[92], becoming the first academic institution to do so in Ireland. This follows earlier academic-led initiatives for Palestine such as the Teachers’ Union of Ireland’s (TUI) endorsement of BDS in April 2013 and AFP’s open letter in February 2014 which reached 600 signatures[93]. On March 20th 2014, TCD students voted to campaign against direct provision in a referendum[94].
Figure 8: Students protest in Sligo on October 1st 2013[95]
At the USI’s annual protest on October 8th 2014, around 6,000 attended, including students, staff and secondary-school pupils[96]. The slogan was ‘Education Is’. A concerted effort was made by USI to court the support from trade unions[97]. On October 28th 2014, QUB students voted for neutrality on the topic of Irish Unity in a referendum[98]. In terms of organizing for Palestine, the groundwork was being laid around this time too for a nationwide campaign, building on the success of NUIG in March 2014. TCD Apartheid-Free Campaign earned the support of the TCD Graduate Students’ Union (TCDGSU) on November 12th 2014[99] and was supported by Academics for Palestine TCD (TCD AFP), highlighting student-worker solidarity. The student movement was, on the whole, muted this year, but it picked up momentum soon. This is down to multiple factors. Firstly, researchers in the South of Ireland have noted that 2014 can be considered the start of a worsening housing crisis and homelessness crisis, and that this precipitated grassroots radicalism[100]. Secondly, discussions surrounding the Cassells Report and the refusal of the government to rule out loan schemes in September 2014[101] pushed the student movement to organize. Thirdly, austerity was intensifying in the North of Ireland too, for example with the neoliberal policy paper titled the Stormont House Agreement signed in December 2014[102].
Graph 1: USI National Attendance 2010-2014
2015-2020
In March 2015, students at the National College of Art and Design (NCAD) organized in the group NCAD Student Action became the leading force of the radical student movement by spearheading an anti-marketisation campaign[103]. NCAD Students’ Union (NCADSU) supported, but did not lead the protests. They demanded immediate reforms from Director Declan McGonagle, citing financial mismanagement, increasing student numbers, and lack of transparency. On March 17th 2015, a letter with demands was circulated, and by March 20th, 400 students delivered it to the director’s office. After McGonagle canceled a planned meeting on March 24th 2015, students staged a sit-in and later occupied the boardroom, demanding accountability. Despite a meeting on March 25th 2015, no resolution was reached. The student-led campaign gained support from staff, alumni and the USI, highlighting broader concerns about the financialisation of education. Dissent was in the air at TCD as well, with an article published on May 20th 2015 citing Board members criticising Provost Patrick Prendergast’s top-down, managerial attitude in pursuit of a commercial agenda[104]. On May 28th 2015, students marched to the Department of Education as part of the NCAD campaign[105].
Change was in the air as ideological attitudes, language and action with a predominantly leftist streak were creeping back into the student movement. The impetus was handed to the student movement by the discussions surrounding the Cassells’ Report leading to a “revival of student activism”[106], for instance the refusals to rule out student loan schemes, which first came to the attention of students in September 2014[107] and was part of ongoing discussions starting from that date, reiterated again in December 2015 in a more concrete way with additional proposals to increase student fees by €1,000 or €2,000[108]. Lynn Ruane, a left-wing candidate, won the TCD Students’ Union (TCDSU) elections in February 2015, and took office in July 2015[109]. On the other hand, Glenn Fitzpatrick, an activist who was involved in the anti-water charges movement, ran for USI Vice-President for Campaigns in March 2015. All TCDSU sabbatical officers endorsed his opponent, Kevin Donoghue, while one of them, Entertainments Officer Finn Murphy, publicly branded him as a “radical” who will not “negotiate”[110], showing the divide in the student movement. He lost the election. On March 4th 2015, QUB students voted in a referendum[111] organized by the QUB branch of the Socialist Party[112] to support the trade union strike on the 13th March 2015 against cuts in public spending as part of the Stormont House Agreement and the Assembly budget.
Figure 9: NCAD students protest in March 2015[113]
McGonagle ended up resigning on September 11th 2015 for personal reasons[114], after a year of protests. On September 22nd 2015, USI announced that it will not be holding a national rally, replacing it with voter registration and awareness campaign starting October 6th 2015, cementing its position as a lobbyist group[115]. The decision was taken by its Campaigns Subcommittee, which is usually composed of mostly full-time student representatives. The decline in participation precedes such a decision. It is natural for an organisation to abandon engaging in mass movements if it had failed to build a student base for mobilization – a trap that local student unions and national student unions have fallen into time and time again. Even student radicals would agree that the constant decline in participation suggests a protest is counter-productive, if all it does is demoralize the movement and show to the government that the official student movement cannot mobilize students, and is therefore not a threat. For instance, the failure to organise actions, agitate and build the student base after the national campaign period ends is a contributing factor to this tendency. The inflexibility of organizing a national campaign each year and then stepping back from leadership altogether is a core issue with local and national student unions. In fact, this was recognized by USI at the time and contributed to calling off the protest, showing that there was a growing recognition of the need to re-jig the approach.
In parallel, the student movement was re-igniting in different areas. On October 13th 2015, the UCD Socialist Workers and Amnesty International societies protested against the government’s refugee policy[116]. Elsewhere, Fossil Free TCD was set up as a coalition of TCDSU and the Environmental Society on October 27th 2015[117], and adopted a lobbyist approach to which TCD was receptive. The focus of this research, however, is the anti-austerity movement.
Around this time, TCD started to play a leading role in the student movement. A factor in this is UCD’s isolationist politics after leaving USI on February 27th 2013 to adopt a ‘local focus’[118], leaving TCD to be the biggest university in Dublin, and hence the biggest university close to decision-makers in Dublin. The Irish political system is Dublin-centric. The election of Lynn Ruane to the seat of TCDSU Presidency marked the return of radical politics to the scene. On November 17th 2015, there was a debate held at TCDSU Council concerning the strategies to mobilize students[119]. Ruane suggested a student strike across universities of one or two hours followed by mass disruptive demonstrations that bring the country to a halt for a brief period of time, combined with letter-writing and voter registration. The question of politicisation, i.e. telling students not to vote for government parties, was also raised in this public forum, but Ruane rejected this, presumably based on clause 1.4 of the TCDSU Constitution that mandated apoliticism.
At the same time, Students Against Fees (SAF), inspired by radical student movements in Quebec and Chile[120], organized within TCDSU Council on the one hand, and grassroots action on the other. This marks a change in strategy towards an entryist one (albeit not going as far as running for sabbatical officer positions which would be a dual-power approach), whereas earlier groups tended to organise outside official structures, in what can be considered an “ultra-left” perspective. In fact, a few years later, at a public meeting held on August 11th 2018, former student activist Joe Loughnane involved in the November 2010 protests and FEE branded “shouting from the sidelines” as the biggest mistake their generation made[121]; student activist Conall Ó’Dufaigh concurs, saying that “in this sense I agree with the comrade who said we spent too much time shouting from the side-lines, but the group had been overly ambitious in its first year and lost a lot of momentum as a result”. While Ruane tended to be on the left-wing of the student movement, TCDSU was still battling reactionary tendencies from within. On November 17th 2015, a motion to oppose the introduction of student loans failed to pass[122]. SAF’s first public meeting was held on the December 3rd 2015, in response to the defeat of the motion[123]. On December 11th 2015, 15 students from QUB occupied a floor of the university’s administration building for fossil fuel divestment[124]. On December 15th 2015, SAF’s motion to oppose the introduction of student loans passed[125]. On December 17th 2015, Fossil Free QUB and QUB management reached an agreement for divestment[126]. On January 22nd 2016, a meeting was held to discuss introducing SAF to other third-level institutions[127]. The construction of a student-worker alliance was important to SAF, and on February 3rd 2016, about 60 students from the TCD and Dublin Institute of Technology (DIT) branches marched alongside striking workers from the TUI’s Institutes of Technology strike[128][129]. On March 16th 2016, the Trinity branch of SAF reaffirmed its commitment to a grassroots structure rather than integrating as part of the student union[130]. This was a group that was critical of the official student movement but engaged with it to advance its aims[131][132]. On March 27th 2016, SAF took the Easter Rising commemorations as an opportunity to criticise the government with a banner drop at TCD[133]. On April 6th 2016, another open meeting saw a steering committee established for SAF[134]. That month also saw, on April 28th 2016, a protest against mental health services cuts jointly organised by Mental Health Reform and USI in which students played a large part by rallying delegations from TCDSU and UCD Students’ Union (UCDSU)[135]. In May 2016, the Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition was dissolved, and in its place came the Fine Gael-Independents coalition.
Figure 10: QUB students stage sit in for fossil-fuel divestment on December 11th 2015[136]
On July 11th 2016, the Cassells’ Report, developed over two years by the Expert Group on Future Funding for Higher Education, was released. Its purpose was to address the funding crisis facing third-level institutions. The report outlined three potential solutions: increasing State funding for all third-level institutions from 64% to approximately 80% while eliminating student fees entirely; maintaining the current €3,000 fee with a smaller increase in State funding from 64% to 72%; or introducing an income-contingent loan scheme while reducing the State’s contribution to between 55% and 60%. SAF did not just affect local student politics, but national student politics too, for instance student activists Eoin Ó Murchú and Conor Reddy wrote in a comment piece for a student newspaper: “The Phoenix and other media outlets cited SAF as being extremely influential in shaping USI President Annie Hoey’s approach to the fees crisis this year [2016/2017]. USI now campaigns explicitly for publicly funded higher education, having taken more moderate, reformist lines in the past.”[137] On August 17th 2016, USI National Council voted to return to organizing a national rally, but keeping in line with its more moderate image, it should “not be labelled as a student protest” but will instead aim to highlight “the consensus and support” for a publicly-funded higher education system[138]. This is a lobbyist attitude, but as noted, the USI was campaigning explicitly for an exchequer-funded third-level system. Reportedly, over 300 students took part in ‘March For Choice’ protest for abortion rights on September 24th 2016[139]. On September 27th 2016, the Irish Nurses and Midwives Organization (INMO) protested outside the Dáil over a dispute of student internship credit recognition[140]. A comment piece published on October 3rd 2016 in a student newspaper remarked the shift towards lobbyist strategies, including USI’s cancellation of last year’s national rally, its optics for this year’s national rally, as well as the set-up of the TCDSU Lobby Group[141] over the summer period[142].
SAF continued into this academic year, and on October 7th 2016, held a strategy meeting where student mobilization for the USI national rally was discussed[143]. The USI ‘Education Is’ protest held on October 19th 2016 saw 10,000 to 12,000 students in attendance[144] and was supported by students, lecturers and senior management[145]. On November 16th 2016, despite an earlier motion passing on this issue, the TCDGSU rejected a BDS motion[146]. SAF, on November 21st 2016, held a meeting to formalize its decision-making structures[147]. On December 5th 2016, QUBSU voted for a BDS motion[148]. On January 19th 2017, a student-led protest took place for the government to ratify the UN Disability Rights Convention[149]. On January 24th 2017, a SAF motion to support a fully-exchequer funded education system passed TCDSU Council[150] and SAF members criticised Provost Patrick Prendergast for his support for the loan-scheme and for his treatment of campus workers[151]. On February 20th 2017, around 30 students from the TCD Students for Justice in Palestine (TCD SJP), the renamed TCD Apartheid-Free Campaign, disrupted a talk by the Israeli ambassador[152]. They were fined €150 for it after disciplinary proceedings, and TCD refused to accept their 2,000-strong petition that was due to be delivered on February 24th 2017[153]. On March 8th 2017, thousands of students took part in the #Strike4Repeal movement for abortion rights[154]. On March 9th 2017, students from TCD People Before Profit (TCD PBP) and TCDSU held a talk on the need to end direct provision[155] a few years after being mandated by a referendum that passed in March 2014[156]. SAF supported Irish Unity in the non-binding referendum that was announced with the result of neutrality on March 15th 2017[157]. Afterwards, TCD SJP attempted to mandate the TCDSU to support BDS against Israel, a position that was deeply unpopular with the liberal atmosphere of the student union at the time. On April 4th 2017, the motion was defeated, and sabbatical officers spoke against it[158]. The President-elect, Kevin Keane, broke his pledge to TCD SJP that he made during election season, and spoke against the motion, resulting in controversy[159]. Looking back at it from 2025, the reader might be reminded of the old adage, that upon the turning of history those who held conservative positions will always claim they were right there with the progressives. Regardless, the student movement was seeing a rising shift to the left, and would soon ignite.
Figure 11: TCD SJP disrupt talk by Israeli ambassador on February 20th 2017[160]
In June 2017, the Fine Gael-Independents coalition was dissolved, to be replaced by another Fine Gael-Independents coalition. On September 30th 2017, thousands took to the street in the ‘March for Choice’ protest[161]. On October 4th 2017, the USI ‘March for Education’ march attracted 6,000 students[162][163][164]. Along with opposing student loans, USI called for the reversal of the 2011 and 2012 cuts to the student maintenance grant and a €250 reduction in student fees. This messaging, still coated in a call for public investment in education but less radical than the previous year’s broad focus on an exchequer-funded system, reveals a piece-meal reformist approach which hints at the short-termist shortcoming of USI’s structure. It has been mentioned before that USI does not seek to build student power. Firstly, this is because of its leadership, which tends to be liberal and trapped by a turn-over of a year-long academic term, hindering continuity politics. It is tunnel-visioned into asking for achievable wins within a short time-frame, rather than building long-term campaigns for greater wins. Secondly, it is because USI is de facto forbidden from doing so by its structure. Rather than a student union with a membership list, it is a service provider to student unions, hence it is trapped by whatever actions its associated members take. If it steps outside of this paradigm, it may be accused of going behind its membership’s back, which is not the students, but the student unions. While certain student unions at times may be more radical, some, and especially those outside of Dublin, have always lagged behind in political consciousness. Due to the structure of USI, consensus can be hard to find amongst student unions, hence its pull towards centrism. Grassroots organizing is thus structurally displaced by the need to lobby within national politics.
The radical student movement kept on organising. In August 2017, the Connolly Youth Movement (CYM), made up of a considerable number of students and with a particularly strong presence in Cork, occupied three vacant buildings near UCC[165]. On October 7th 2017, a comment piece in a student newspaper recognised that the student movement has been growing steam over the recent period[166]. On October 23rd 2017, SAF decided that it will focus on the housing crisis as a basis for organising, starting in the local context and escalating to a national level[167]. At the same meeting, it was confirmed by the TCDSU President Kevin Keane in attendance that TCD increased postgraduate and non-EU student fees, but refused to disclose the exact amount, as sabbatical officers still respected confidentiality clauses at the time[168]. The increase in fees was 5% and the decision was made on September 22nd 2017[169]. On October 25th 2017, the TCDGSU voted to explore the option of striking[170]. TCDGSU held an open town on November 13th 2017[171].
At this point, it is important to note that SAF can be conceived of as a radical base from which various single-issue groups branched out. SAF was made up of TCD PBP members as well as assorted non-party left-wing activists. It is usually a minority vanguard who push issues and tap into mass support, leading to an explosion of political consciousness, and so there is a lot of crossover between activist groups. There was a lot of crossover between SAF and Fossil Free TCD, for example. The same for SAF and TCD SJP. Similarly, a campaign to boycott Aramark over its support for the direct provision system at TCD was launched on November 15th 2017[172], and a contingent of students in the group participated in a march against direct provision on the 18th of November 2017[173], and this also held considerable crossover with SAF. On November 20th 2017, TCD SJP announced its plans to organize the 500 signatures necessary to hold a referendum on BDS[174]. TCDSU was mandated to specifically support the boycott aramark campaign on November 22nd 2017[175], building on its earlier mandate against direct provision passed in 2014. The strategy of organizing in grassroots groups while securing student union support works well. It gives legitimacy to the cause while avoiding the pitfalls of the symbolic motion – the student union can be mandated to support a cause, but it is likely to remain on the policy book and no action will be taken if not for passionate activists. The student unions are thus dragged into various left-wing causes and this helps radicalize the movement overall. By this point, SAF was well-embedded in the TCDSU. The President at the time, Kevin Keane, was a run of the mill liberal, who was also accused of exclusively focusing on the ‘Repeal the 8th’ campaign as a way of building a political identity, rather than organising student power[176], a way of acting which is by no means uncommon within the official student movement. On November 29th 2017, 30 students in ITT occupied the boardroom of the institution and conducted a sit-in over the institution’s failure to fund a full-time student union secretary[177]. On December 9th 2017, students marched for disability rights once again[178].
Figure 12: ITT Students’ Union sabbatical officers conduct sit-in protest on November 29th 2017[179]
The increase in student fees alone did not catapult the student movement at TCD. However, on January 23rd 2018, students were made aware of TCD’s plans to introduce supplemental exam fees as a solution to pay for the deficit modular billing would create[180]. In a non-binding referendum result returned on February 22nd 2018, students rejected the supplemental exam fee as a solution thereof[181]. On the same day, QUB and Ulster University (UU) workers went on strike as part of a broader fightback, supported by QUBSU and UU Students’ Union (UUSU), highlighting the strengthening of student-worker solidarity and an overall shift to the left in the official student movement[182][183]. On February 26th 2018, TCD SJP announced that it had collected the 500 signatures necessary for a referendum to be run on BDS, and in fact exceeded it by collecting 1,200 student names in total – indicating that the campus was undergoing a process of rapid politicisation[184]. Disregarding this democratic mandate, on February 28th 2018, TCD approved a €450 supplemental exam fee[185]. On March 2nd 2018, NUIG students voted to support Irish Unity[186].
The decision of TCD to plow ahead with supplemental exam fees proved to be the spark that lit the powder keg. SAF pushed the TCDSU into an emergency town hall held on March 6th 2018, where students called for direct action in what became known as Take Back Trinity (TBT)[187]. This is an example of the radical flank effect. Reflecting on the protests a few years later, a comment piece in a student newspaper describes how the student union supported the protests, “albeit late, albeit halfheartedly, albeit an ultimate co-option of student work”[188]. Activists who were involved in TBT shared similar sentiments, but argued that working together with student unions is of paramount importance for any student movement, to the extent of acting as an external pressure group on them to ensure they stand up for the student interest. This is highlighted by comments from student activists reflecting on the events: “Conchúir Ó Rádaigh, one of the organisers of today’s summer school, spoke about relations between the students’ union and activists involved in Take Back Trinity. “I definitely think [TCDSU President] Kevin Keane never thought there would be an occupation”, he said, referring to the early stages of the group’s activities on campus”[189]. This push-and-pull relationship between radicals and moderates permeates the decades, with the former pushing for action and the latter trying to stop action. The class allegiance of the official student movement never ceases to flip-flop throughout the history of the student movement since the 2010s. Reactionary attitudes pop up here and there even during the most radical of times.
Student Movement in the United KingdomA brief comparative look at the student movement in the United Kingdom (UK) contrasted with the Irish one is an interesting case study. There is a diverging trajectory. In this analysis, we rely on secondary sources[190][191]. The student movement in the UK went down a similar, but ultimately different path. At the outset, it can be stated that radical leftism in the UK is grounded in historical tradition, and represents a stronger force than the Irish one. To repeat the words of student activist Conall Ó’Dufaigh about the November 3rd 2010 protest: “Our equivalent groups in the UK very shortly afterwards had a similar headline grabbing protest, but in their case they were far better organised beforehand and in a better position to capitalise in the months ahead”. There were also considerable links between the student movement and the broader anti-austerity movement, from which a broad coalition emerged (including Novara Media, Aaron Bastani, Ash Sarkar, Owen Jones) which eventually fed into Corybnism post-2015. Notably, a lot of socialist theory was produced, more in Britain than in Ireland during this time. When austerity hit, the defining moment for the student movement was the storming of Millbank Tower, the Conservative Party headquarters, on November 10th 2010 with about 1,000 participants, with an estimated 52,000 students and lecturers marching against the government’s proposal to triple tuition fees and cut grants[192]. The groups involved were the National Union of Students (NUS), the University and College Union (UCU) and the left-wing umbrella group, National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts (NCAFC). NCAFC was composed of a Trotskyist tendency, as well as an anarchist tendency, with the former preferring entryist and dual-power strategies for the NUS and the Labour Party, and the latter fetishizing direct action. Similarly to the Irish case, the NUS and its President Aaron Porter denounced the direct action taken by the student protestors at Millbank Tower. In addition, similarly as in the Irish case, national rallies called by the NUS (and sometimes the NCAFC) decreased in attendance further and further as the years went on and the movement faced defeat. In 2012, the coalition government of the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats tripled tuition fees to £9,000 per year. The Liberal Democrats, similarly to the Irish Labour Party, pledged not to increase tuition fees but broke their pledge. In 2017, this was raised to £9,250 per year by the Conservative Party majority government. For students from the North of Ireland, a ‘home fees’ system was introduced, capped at £3,465 per year in 2012 and £4,030 per year in 2017. Not all of the official student movement denounced the protestors, however. For example, Clare Solomon, President of the University of London Union (ULU) defended the events, highlighting a radical presence within official structures. In addition, the protestors capitalized on the clashes with the police, presenting it as a symbol of defiance, unlike the equivalent in Ireland, where activists were demoralized.
Figures 13-15: Storming of Millbank Tower on November 10th 2010[193] In the UK, student-worker solidarity was noticeably present in the following years. Between 2011-2013, anti-capitalist discussion groups were organized, and the need to struggle alongside workers was highlighted, leading students to organize against pay cuts, outsourcing and casualization. In 2018, a new wave of lecturer strikes was said to have ignited class consciousness within the student body[194], and within the 2020s strikes student–worker solidarity remained strong. Starting 2015, a series of rent strikes were organized by students[195][196], highlighting that the socialist left was stronger in Britain than in Ireland, something that is also visible in the fact that UK students undertook rent strikes in the 2020s[197] whereas Irish students failed to do the same during Covid-19. However, within the radical student movement, the factions clashed with each other, leading to a loss of unity on the left, and the left clashed with the official student movement, resulting in overall disharmony. By 2015, the unity student networks had been dissolved, disintegrated into left-sectarianism, or transformed into single-issue groups. On the flip side, it can be stated that while the networks of the early 2010s had disintegrated, the rise of Corbynism resulted in renewed impetus for the student movement, revolving around the social-democratic Labour Party between 2015-2019. In Ireland, due to the marginality of the socialist left, there were heightened levels of unity, but similarly to the British case, radical students fought against, and sometimes within, the official structures. In the Irish case, this was mostly limited to student unions, and was done with a reduced scope – for example, not running for sabbatical officer positions – and only after 2015, whereas in Britain, both local student unions and the national student union (e.g. “Students’ Assembly Against Austerity” faction[198]) were targeted throughout. This difference is also down to the prevalence of entryist and dual-power approaches in British socialist politics. There is much more intensity and mass participation to the British left throughout, seen for example via attacks on the NUS for failing to back a 2014 NCAFC demo[199][200] and expressions of anger of the NUS failing at its job[201]. The radicals managed to mobilize students and keep their attention on student politics for a longer amount of time, at least until 2015 when disintegration kicked in. As such, just as in the Irish case, the attendance at national demonstrations, whether called by the NUS or NCAFC, declined further and further as the years went on, reflecting state repression, co-optation and disunity in the student movement, which was fragmented in Britain in a three-way split (Trotskyists, anarchists, and the official student movement), not a two-way split (radical students and the official student movement) like in Ireland. In 2017, just 1,000 students attended the national rally. |
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On March 7th 2018, around 100 students protested a meeting of the TCD Finance Committee[202]. On the same day, students discovered that TCD was also proposing a student accommodation fee hike of €21 per week[203]. This hike was defeated at the same meeting[204]. On the same day, students flooded TCD’s social media pages with negative reviews[205]. On March 8th 2018, Oisín Vince Culter, a self-described militant radical, was elected President of the TCDGSU[206][207][208]. On the same day, it is worth highlighting that students were participating in another ‘March for Choice’ protest[209]. On the same day, UCC students voted for Irish Unity in a referendum[210]. On March 9th 2018, between 20 – 30 students blocked the main entrance to TCD as well as the Book of Kells. The tourist attraction is a source of income for the university – it earns the College approximately €10,000 per hour[211]. The strategy was to target the reputation and finances of TCD. On March 13th 2018, around 50 students occupied the Dining Hall, marking this the first occupation of TCD since 2009[212]. On the same day, hundreds of students participated in a rally outside of the Dining Hall[213]. On the same day, UCD students voted to support Irish Unity in a referendum[214]. On March 14th 2018, security privately-hired by TCD were instructed to lock down the Dining Hall[215], resulting in a temporary occupation of another building, the Exam Hall[216]. This was a focal point of the student movement, which earned national media attention, and on March 15th 2018, the protestors declared victory[217].
Figures 15-19: Students protest the proposed €450 supplemental exam fees in March 2018[218][219][220][221]
On March 22nd 2018, the TCDSU referendum to support BDS passed, and the organisation TCD Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (TCD BDS) was thus set up[222]. Reflecting changes in the political climate, at the time of the referendum, both TCDSU President, Shane De Rís and TCDGSU President Oisín Vince Coulter expressed their support for BDS[223].
Figure 20: Student activists cheer for the result of the TCDSU BDS referendum on March 22nd 2018[224]
On March 26th 2018, DCU students started the ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ campaign against a 27% rise in student accommodation prices with a petition[225], and earned the support of DCU Students’ Union (DCUSU) on the same day[226]; organizers stated that the events were precipitated by the spread of ‘#BoycottShanowen’ on social media in early March 2018[227] On March 27th 2018, TCDGSU threatened a strike if the fee increases were not withdrawn[228]. On March 28th 2018, TCD agreed to scrap supplemental fees and to institute a policy of fee certainty[229]. DCU students held a town hall on March 28th 2018[230]. On March 29th 2018, DCU students held a protest march from DCU to the Shanowen residences[231]. On March 30th 2018, ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ was discussed in the Dáil[232].
Figure 21: DCU students protest at the Shanowen Residences on March 29th 2018[233]
On April 1st 2018, UCD’s own grassroots group was set up, called UCD Free and Fair[234], no doubt influenced by TBT[235]. On April 3rd 2018, UCDSU passed a motion to support BDS[236]. On the same day, a student newspaper opinion piece called for TBT to be expanded in scope[237]. On April 5th 2018, 45 DCU students held a sleep-out as part of their campaign[238]. On the same day, USI Congress passed a motion supporting BDS[239]. On April 17th 2018, DCU as part of ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ held its own, albeit sparsely attended protest with dozen or so individuals against the student accommodation crisis at the Dáil, supported by Take Back Trinity[240]. It was argued that this campaign and its copycats contributed to the passing of the Residential Tenancies Act (Amendment) Act 2019, which strengthened protections for student licensees, brought them under the remit of the Residential Tenancies Board (RTB) and capped rent increases at 4% on July 15th 2019[241]. On May 5th 2018, NUIG Students’ Union (NUIGSU) set up a petition opposing a €1,000 rise in their student accommodation rents as part of the ‘Cúirt Shakedown’ campaign, inspired by the events in DCU[242]. On the May 8th 2018, 400 NUIG students protested for the same campaign[243]. The modus operandi of local campaigns that target national issues enable students to develop their self-identity as political subjects. These actions “can be understood as Badiou’s (2005, p.xii) conceptualisation of an ‘Event’ – a ‘type of rupture which opens up truths’ and disrupts the current situation. More specifically, an Event is a ‘rupture of an undecidable, general situation’ (the financialization of student housing), ‘by a unique and singularizing intervention’ ([e.g.] the Shanowen Shakedown campaign) (Calcagno, 2008, p. 1054). Badiou (2005) suggests an Event occurs when the excluded (in this case, students) appears on the social scene, suddenly and drastically, rupturing the appearance of normality (McLaverty-Robinson, 2014). In positioning Shanowen Shakedown as an Event, students therefore represent Badiou’s notion of political ‘subjects’[244]. Participation in a struggle against a local manifestation of a national issue, such as the housing crisis, politicised students. Meanwhile, TCD’s fee certainty policy led to a reversal of the previously proposed 5% fee hikes for postgraduate and non-EU students on July 30th 2018[245]. The question then remained as to what will happen to the energy of the student protests, whether they will continue and in what form, specifically its transformation from local campaigning to national campaigning.
Timeline for Government Decisions on Purpose-Built Student Accommodation[246] |
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1999 | Section 50 of Finance Act 1999 – Provided capital expenditure relief for landlords of student accommodation. Expenditure incurred on student rental accommodation could be set against the rental income from the property and against other Irish rental income thus reducing the taxable income of the person incurring the expenditure. The qualifying period applied up to 31 December 2006, although under certain circumstances the qualifying period could be further extended to 31 July 2008. |
2016 | Rebuilding Ireland, an Action Plan for Housing and Homelessness launched. Included objectives to support greater provision of student accommodation. |
July 2016 | Circular released by Department of Housing permitting tourism use of PBSA outside of term time. |
October 2016 | Dublin City Development Plan (2016-2022) launched. Includes guidelines for the development of PBSA. |
July 2017 | National Student Accommodation Strategy launched. |
July 2017 | A ‘fast-track’ planning process is introduced. Strategic Housing Developments (SHD) allow planning applications of more than 200 plus student bed spaces to be made directly to Ireland’s national planning board, An Bord Pleanála, skipping local planning stage. |
July 2017 | Housing Finance Agency can now lend finance to academic institutions for student accommodation – Section 51 of the Planning and Development (Housing) and Residential Tenancies Act 2016 amended the Housing Finance Agency Act 1981 to enable the Housing Finance Agency (HFA) to lend to Institutes of Higher Education for the provision or management of student accommodation, including the acquisition of land for this purpose. |
March 2018 | ‘Design Standards for New Apartments – Guidelines for Planning Authorities’ issued. Includes planning guidelines for the development of PBSA. |
July 2018 | Height restrictions are lifted on new city buildings, allowing for higher density building. |
July 2019 | Changes to legislation brings Student Specific Accommodation under the jurisdiction of the Residential Tenancies Board. Provides rights and responsibility to landlords, tenants and licensees under the Residential Tenancies Act (as amended). Also brings PBSA under rent cap legislation, preventing rents of PBSA in Rent Pressure Zones from rising more than 4% per annum. |
The catalyst to mobilising was the housing crisis. Over the summer, TBT members engaged in direct action over the housing crisis, attempting to escalate the campaign and broaden its engagement by taking action outside the university’s walls. They were a crucial part of the Take Back the City (TBTC) group[247], which on June 23rd 2018 held a housing forum and on July 28th 2018 held an event called the National Festival of Direct Action[248]. On August 2nd 2018, NUIGSU’s RTB case against a private student accommodation provider increasing rents by 18% was heard, intended more so as a test case and a public relations exercise[249] than a case they wanted to win. On August 7th 2018 TBTC occupied an empty property on Summerhill Parade[250] and over 100 students participated in the march to the property[251]. The summer school held on August 11th 2018 organized by TBT and UCD Fair and Free[252] attempted to solidify the national focus of the groups as a flurry of activity was taking place, with students from TCD, DCU, NCAD, NUIG, UCD, IADT and UL present. This summer school included former FEE activists, indicating cultural exchange between generations of student radicals, and the strategic importance of influencing and taking over the official student movement was stressed. In turn, student activist Conall Ó’Dufaigh recounts that FEE activists benefited from cultural exchange with CFE activists, adding that a core issue is that “the high turnover of activists in student movements in general meant that all policies were effectively up for debate amongst largely new group of activists every few years. A lovely principle, but an organisational nightmare”.
On August 15th 2018 , TBTC occupied Customs House[253]. On August 17th 2018, TBTC occupied an empty property on North Frederick Street. On August 23rd 2018, TBTC protested with around 30 people and demanded the resignation of Minister for Housing, Eoghan Murphy[254]. On September 8th 2018 TBTC occupied an empty property at Belvedere Place[255]. On September 11th 2018, the Gardaí violently evicted North Frederick Street, including TCD student activist Conor Reddy, injuring him[256]. On the same day as the violent eviction, NUIGSU and GMIT Students’ Union (GMITSU) organised an overnight camp-out in Galway’s Eyre Square to protest the student accommodation crisis[257]. TBTC organized a solidarity rally against the aforementioned violent eviction on September 12th 2018[258]. Before this incident, student unions and the national student union distanced themselves from these actions, until being forced to condemn the Gardaí violence that ensued, and joined the aforementioned rally[259]. On September 21st 2018, the USI was mandated by a TCDSU emergency motion to support the TBTC rally due to be held the next day[260]. On September 22nd 2018, TBTC held a national day of action[261], which included USI protesting outside a private student accommodation provider as well as a 500-strong protest crowd culminating in the occupation of Glebe House[262]. The radical groups organised direct actions, while maintaining unity with moderate groups via marches. Within the Raise the Roof coalition, grassroots student groups, student unions and trade unions alongside community initiatives were all represented[263]. On October 1st 2018, the CYM disrupted a meeting by Tánaiste Simon Coveney and raised questions about the housing crisis[264]. On October 2nd 2018, TBT protested Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin’s visit to TCD[265].
Figure 22: TBT protests Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin’s visit to TCD on October 2nd 2018[266]
On October 3rd 2018, approximately 3,000 students marched from the Garden of Remembrance to Leinster House[267]. This demonstration was organized by ‘Raise the Roof’, and students emphasized the impact of the housing crisis on students and called for immediate government action. The USI opted not to organize its own march for public funding for education, but to support this one, and was criticised for this decision[268]. On October 9th 2018, Budget 2019 was released and allocated just a €57 million funding increase for higher-education, disappointing students, staff and senior management alike[269]. TBTC continued with its actions, and on October 13th 2018 occupied an AirBNB[270]. On October 16th 2018, a town hall was held where TBT members criticised the Irish Universities Association’s (IUA) lack of opposition to the government[271]. The effects of TBT, however, could be felt in other academic institutions too, and not just for housing. At the same time as the housing actions were underway, DIT students protested against cuts to services and understaffing on October 18th 2018[272]. TBTC continued its actions, and on November 21st 2018 occupied the Residential Tenancies Board (RTB) building. On November 29th 2018 held a banner drop from Ha’Penny Bridge[273]. On the same day, as expected, it was discovered that NUIGSU lost its ‘Cúirt Shakedown’ case at the RTB, but achieved clarifications within the ruling that strengthen student licensee protections[274].
Figure 23: TBTC occupation of Customs House on August 15th 2018[275]
USI launched the Pharmacy Students’ Campaign Report with over 200 students in attendance on January 24th 2019 [276]. On February 19th 2019, a comment piece in a student newspaper criticised TCDSU ‘hack culture’[277]. On March 1st 2019, Laura Beston, a TBT veteran, was elected TCDSU President[278]. On March 6th 2019, TBT dropped a banner from TCD ahead of a housing march[279]. On March 15th 2019, over 10,000 students, second-level and third-level, in Dublin alone took part in the global climate strike[280]. On March 21st 2019, the USI held its annual protest for academia funding with the slogan ‘Fund the Future’[281], with walkouts taking place all over the country. This protest, typically held in October of each academic year, was postponed to March as the USI chose to support the ‘Raise the Roof’ rally during that time instead. TCD attracted a crowd of 200 students to Front Square while 40 marched to the Department of Education, with TCD PBP members expressing scepticism about the USI’s approach to organizing, saying that ““Students must have a sense of ownership over this campaign. It can’t be a series of press launches, public statements or street carnivals like the education marches of previous years. If #FundOurFuture is to mean anything, it must be built on genuine mass student mobilisation and disobedience – people power.””[282]. There is a lack of sources, considering that the protest was judged to have failed to capture public attention, but “thousands”[283] took part, and walkouts were confirmed to be held in LIT[284] and NUIG[285]. This translates, as an approximation, to 1,000 to 2,000 students taking part. If generously combined with the earlier housing march, we can calculate with 5,000 students being mobilized by the student movement this year insofar as marches go. The USI’s role in activism has substantially receded by this point, its place taken by grassroots groups and local student unions. The student movement thus radicalizes, but focuses on direct action, and so the rising radicalism of the movement is not correlated with a rise in the active participation in marches. To this day, the student movement has not managed to regain its former glory, of tens of thousands of students marching, despite a radicalized student body that supports radical action. Students have lost faith in the liberal methods of organizing, and have turned to direct action, but have not yet managed to synthesize direct action with mass action after the ‘traumatic departure’ of the November 3rd 2010 events. On May 1st 2019, the CYM disrupted a Fine Gael meeting in Cork, including MEP Deirdre Clune[286]. On May 19th 2019, a “small cohort” of students joined another housing march[287]. Sometime in April 2019, UCD’s Anti-Casualization group was set up to advocate for the rights of precarious workers[288]. On April 17th 2019, DCU students voted to support BDS after organizing by DCU Students for Justice in Palestine (DCU SJP)[289].
Figure 24: CYM disrupt a Fine Gael meeting in Cork, including MEP Deirdre Clune on May 1st 2019[290]
On June 21st 2019, students discovered that TCD increased Halls and on-campus rents by up to 6%[291]. On September 20th 2019, thousands of secondary- and third-level students joined the global climate strike once again in Ireland[292]. On October 1st 2019, the USI announced that it is cancelling its annual march with the slogan ‘Break the Barriers’ due to weather conditions, and will substitute it for another pre-budget action[293]. There is no record of the USI organizing a substitute action. Meanwhile, student militants turned their attention to directly organising student tenants. Earlier, they had organized protests outside academia to target empty properties and the government, but now, they started focusing on student tenants directly. On September 26th 2019, the ‘Cut the Rent’ group was set up at TCD with the aim of organizing a rent strike[294]. On October 29th 2019, TCDSU Council voted against support of the group as a result of the usual moderate squabbling over legal details[295], and TCDSU President Lorna Beston, presumably under pressure from the authorities, abstained from the vote. On November 2nd 2019, the group affirmed its commitment to continuing organising despite the result[296]. On November 7th 2019, about 30 students protested and penned a mock eviction notice outside the TCD Provost’s house[297].
Figure 25: TCD students place mock eviction notice on Provost’s House on November 7th 2019[298]
On November 15th 2019, the USI voted to support student rent strikes, under the leadership of Lorna Fitzpatrick, widely-considered to be a firebrand President[299]. On November 19th 2019, TCDSU Council voted to support the ‘Cut the Rent’ group[300]. It is significantly harder to organize a rent strike at an academic institution like TCD, namely because there are only 1,800 student tenants and campus accommodation is considered a privilege, as opposed to an academic institution like the University of Manchester, where 8,000 students live in university-owned accommodation and it is more common for students to do so. On November 27th 2019, the group announced that it will postpone the rent strike for the next academic year[301]. On November 29th 2019, around 20 students from TCDSU and Extinction Rebellion TCD joined a protest outside the Dáil in protest of the government’s climate inaction[302]. On the same day, UCDSU announced that its shops are BDS-compliant[303][304]. On December 19th 2019, around 25 students protested against the deportation order of a Carlow College student who was also an immigrant[305].
Graph 2: USI National Attendance 2010-2020
On January 30th 2020, UCD’s anti-commercialization grassroots group ‘Fix Our Education’ was set up[306]. On February 4th 2020, about 70 postgraduate researchers, led by TCDSU, TCDGSU and the newly-formed Trinity PhD Workers’ Rights group protested against casual pay rates cuts, expressing a latent anger within the graduate workers community and precipitating future struggle[307].
Figure 26: Postgraduate students protest at TCD over casual pay rates cuts on February 4th 2020[308]
On February 18th 2020, UCDSU, UCD Fix Our Education and UCD Anti-Casualisation attracted a crowd of 100 in protest against UCD’s proposed 12% rent increase over three years[309]. On February 20th 2020, students at TCD, jointly from the TCDSU and the Cut the Rent group, protested against the proposed rent increases and blocked Trinity’s Front Entrance[310]. On the same day, DCU students launched their own Cut the Rent group against a 4% rent increase called “Strike The Rent Hike”[311]. On the same day, UCD students held a sit-down protest in front of the governing body’s meeting in the UCD Student Center building over their 12% rent increase over 3 years[312]. On February 24th 2020, DCUSU and their own Cut the Rent group protested on-campus[313]. On the same day, UCCSU set up its ‘#OccupyTheQuad’ camp to protest a 19% rent-hike over three years[314] with 100 participants[315]. On the February 27th, 2020, TCD students once again protested by blocking off Trinity’s Front Entrance and dropping a banner from Regents’ House[316]. On the same day, UCD and the NUIG set up their own camps, in protest of the 12% increase over 3 years and a 4% increase of rents respectively[317]. UL wanted to introduce a 3.5% – 4% rise of rents, while MU wanted to raise rents by a 3%[318] hike. This was met with student and staff opposition. On March 4th 2020, about 100 students in UCD attempted to storm senior management’s restaurant premises[319], with trade union support[320]. DCU and MU[321] students were victorious. The movement against the financialization of student accommodation was gaining momentum.
Figure 27: Student encampment at UCC to protest rent increases set up on February 24th 2020[322]
Suddenly, an abrupt stop. Covid-19 hit. On March 12th 2020, all schools, colleges and childcare facilities were ordered to close. Activism had to move online, but most of all, the radical student movement was disoriented and set back. The activity that continued was curtailed due to lockdown restrictions. On May 27th 2020, USI voted to lobby for rent suspensions during Covid-19[323]. On June 8th 2020, UCD Anti-Casualisation suggested that graduate workers unionize, precipitating the fight of postgraduate researchers for workers rights that characterizes the following years[324]. In June 2020, the Fine Gael-Independents coalition was dissolved, and in its place came the Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Green Party coalition. TCDSU and USI continued to condemn the housing crisis, such as on July 17th 2020[325].
The Covid-19 generation of student radicals who came to academia in September 2020 found themselves facing an altered battleground, a careerist student movement and student apathy. At TCD, falling in line with the general trend, the student union had receded into centrism. For a long time, nothing really happens. On December 16th 2020, the TCDSU launched a petition to reduce student fees[326]. As a result of the generational cycle, the work of building radical institutions had to be re-started. At TCD, student radicals of the previous generation went on to graduate, entered academia, then went on to organise for postgraduate research working conditions. New radical institutions had to be organized for other matters. TCD PBP had been weakened and was no longer the vanguard of the radical wing of the student movement, limiting itself to postgraduate research issues, in which they continued to play a key role for the years to come. It was the birth of a synthesis of entryism transforming into dual-power that is as broad in scope as to advocate running for sabbatical officer positions combined with syncretic socialist politics, whereas entryism with a reduced scope itself was the birth of the synthesis between ultra-leftism and its clash with opportunism in the student movement: on March 8th 2021, Students4Change, an independent alliance of socialist students was officially born[327].
Timeline
Date | Event | Category |
---|---|---|
1995 | Free Fees Initiative is introduced | Government decision |
1996 | Student contribution charge at €150 | Government decision |
1999 | Section 50 of Finance Act 1999 provides capital expenditure relief for landlords of student accommodation | Government decision |
2004 | CFE is set up in UCD | Student action |
2006 | Student contribution charge at €800 | Government decision |
2007 | Student contribution charge at €825 | Government decision |
2008 | Student contribution charge at €900 | Government decision |
May 7, 2008 | Government coalition composed of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party, the Progressive Democrats is in force | Government decision |
2009 | Student contribution charge at €1,500 | Government decision |
Spring 2009 | UCD FEE runs a slate of radical candidates for the UCDSU elections, but loses | Student action |
November 29, 2009 | Public sector strike | Political event |
November 3, 2010 | 25,000-40,000 students march under USI, some occupied the Department of Finance resulting in police violence | Student action |
November 10, 2010 | Protest against police violence, organized by FEE and SIS | Student action |
November 10, 2010 | Rally called by NUS, supported by radical groups sees 25,000-50,000 students mobilize against Westminster plans to increase tuition fees, some storm Millbank Tower, resulting in police violence | Student action |
November 18, 2010 | Over 2,000 Galway students from NUIG and GMIT march | Student action |
November 2010 | USI claims victory in student fees battle | Political event |
December 2010 | Student registration charge rises to €2,000 | Government decision |
December 9, 2010 | 1,500-2,000 secondary-level and third-level students march against tuition fee rises and cuts in the North of Ireland, in Belfast and Derry | Student action |
February 2011 | USI once again claims success by convincing the Labour Party’s education spokesperson Ruairi Quinn to sign a pledge binding him to opposing and campaigning against “any new form of third level fees including student loans, graduate taxes and any further increase in the Student Contribution” | Political event |
March 9, 2011 | Government composed of Fianna Fáil, the Green Party, the Progressive Democrats dissolves | Government decision |
March 9, 2011 | Government coalition of Fine Gael and the Labour Party takes effect | Government decision |
March 2011 | Within FEE, there is a split as the softer left (those aligned with the Labour Party) peeled off from the harder left (revolutionary socialists) once the Labour Party entered into coalition with Fine Gael | Political event |
October 26, 2011 | Occupy UCD set up in solidarity with Occupy Dame Street | Political event |
November 16, 2011 | USI protest with 15,000 students; radical groups excluded | Student action |
November 29, 2011 | Student union presidents attempt to occupy the Department of Enterprise, then the Department of Social Protection | Student action |
November 30, 2011 | FEE occupies a government TD’s office in Galway | Student action |
December 2, 2011 | MSU occupies Fine Gael TD Anthony Lawlor’s office | Student action |
April 15, 2012 | Protests at the Labour Party conference in Galway | Student action |
May 2012 | USI leadership attempts to change the national student union’s position to support a graduate tax at Congress, but fails | Political event |
2012 | Student registration charge rises to €2,250 | Government decision |
2012 | Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats in the United Kingdom increase tuition fee cap to £9,000 | Government decision |
November 5, 2012 | USI regional protest in Cork attracts 1,000 students | Student action |
November 12, 2012 | About 140 students at the ITT attempt to block Education Minister Ruairí Quinn from leaving campus | Student action |
November 14, 2012 | Protest in Galway involving NUIG, GMIT and AIT attract a crowd of 3,000 | Student action |
November 14, 2012 | 100 students attend a debate in the Dáil gallery, with USI President John Logue refusing to leave and being arrested after the government voted not to freeze student fees | Student action |
November 19, 2012 | Over 500 students from IADT and UCD attend a protest in Dún Laoghaire at the Tánaiste Eamon Gilmore’s office | Student action |
November 19, 2012 | Students from St Angela’s College protest outside the office of Fine Gael TD John Perry | Student action |
November 19, 2012 | Students from DkIT target Fine Gael TD Peter Fitzpatrick | Student action |
November 21, 2012 | 100 students in Belfast protest cuts to financial supports | Student action |
November 22, 2012 | USI holds a protest outside the Department of Education | Student action |
November 29, 2012 | UCD FEE attempts to egg Taoiseach Enda Kenny | Student action |
November 30, 2012 | 70 students hold a protest outside Labour Party TD Ciara Conway’s constituency office | Student action |
December 12, 2012 | Six students arrested for occupying Enda Kenny’s office | Student action |
2013 | Student contribution charge at €2,500 | Government decision |
January 2013 | ISLO is founded | Political event |
February 27, 2013 | UCD leaves USI to adopt a ‘local focus’ | Political event |
April 2013 | TUI endorses BDS | Political event |
April 30, 2013 | QUB students collect 1,200 signatures in one day to resist the privatization of student union jobs | Student action |
May 9, 2013 | QUBSU referendum triggered by the signatures is held in which 97% of students vote to oppose the outsourcing efforts with a total poll of 1,388 | Student action |
May 13, 2013 | QUBSU pledges an independent review of the outsourcing attempt following the referendum | Political event |
July 29, 2013 | USI withdraws its condemnation of the student breakaway group that occupied the Department of Finance on November 3rd 2010 | Political event |
October 1, 2013 | USI annual protest in Dublin with 350, in Cork 1,000 and in Sligo 2,000 students | Student action |
October 16, 2013 | Students at UL protest Taoiseach Enda Kenny | Student action |
October 19, 2013 | A charter against austerity affecting academia is launched that students and staff could sign, and supported by the trade unions, spearheaded by revolutionary socialist trade unionist Ronnie Munck | Political event |
November 19, 2013 | UCDSU launch campaign to protect student residents’ rights | Student action |
December 4, 2013 | Students at St. Angela’s College in Sligo protest timetabling issues with political undertones | Student action |
2014 | Student contribution charge at €2,750 | Government decision |
February 2014 | AFP’s open letter reaches more than 600 signatures | Political event |
March 6, 2014 | NUIG students vote for BDS in a referendum | Political event |
March 20, 2014 | TCDSU is mandated to campaign to end direct provision via referendum | Political event |
September 2014 | Government’s refusal to rule out student loan schemes comes to the attention of students | Government decision |
October 8, 2014 | USI annual protest, 6,000 students in attendance | Student action |
October 28, 2014 | QUB students vote for neutrality in Irish Unity | Political event |
November 12, 2014 | TCD Apartheid-Free Campaign earns the support of the TCDGSU | Political event |
December 2014 | Stormont House Agreement, a pro-austerity government policy, is published | Political event |
2015 | Student contribution charge at €3,000 | Government decision |
February 2015 | Lynn Ruane wins TCDSU President elections | Political event |
March 2015 | Glenn Fitzpatrick runs for USI Vice-President for Campaigns and loses | Political event |
March 4, 2015 | QUB students vote to support upcoming trade union strike in a referendum | Political event |
March 13, 2015 | Trade union strike in the North of Ireland opposition to cuts in public spending as part of the Stormont House Agreement and the Assembly budget | Political event |
March 17, 2015 | NCAD Student Action begins organizing against marketization of education by circulating a letter | Student action |
March 20, 2015 | 400 NCAD students deliver a letter of demands to the director’s office | Student action |
March 24, 2015 | NCAD students begin sit-in in boardroom | Student action |
May 20, 2015 | TCD students and staff speak out against the management style of Provost Patrick Prendergast | Political event |
May 28, 2015 | NCAD Student Action march to the Department of Education | Student action |
July 2015 | Lynn Ruane takes office as TCDSU President | Political event |
September 11, 2015 | NCAD Director resigns after protests | Political event |
September 22, 2015 | USI announces that it will not be holding a national rally | Political event |
October 6, 2015 | USI launches voter registration campaign instead of protest | Student action |
October 13, 2015 | UCD Socialist Workers and Amnesty International protest against government refugee policy | Student action |
October 27, 2015 | Fossil Free TCD is set up as a coalition of TCDSU and the Environmental Society | Political event |
November 17, 2015 | TCDSU debates a student strike proposal | Political event |
November 17, 2015 | At TCDSU Council, a motion to oppose the introduction of student loans fails to pass | Political event |
December 2015 | Government yet again refuses to rule out student loan schemes, and further proposed to increase student fees by €1000 or €2000 | Government decision |
December 3, 2015 | First public meeting of SAF | Student action |
December 11, 2015 | QUB students occupy an administration building for fossil fuel divestment | Student action |
December 15, 2015 | SAF motion to oppose student loans passes | Political event |
December 17, 2015 | Fossil Free QUB and QUB management reaches an agreement for divestment | Political event |
2016 | Rebuilding Ireland, an Action Plan for Housing and Homelessness launches, includes objectives to support greater provision of student accommodation. | Government decision |
January 17, 2016 | A meeting is held to discuss introducing SAF to other third-level institutions | Student action |
February 3, 2016 | SAF’s TCD and DIT branches amassed 60 students to march in solidarity with striking workers from TUI’s Institutes of Technology strike | Student action |
March 16, 2016 | SAF reaffirms its commitment to grassroots organizing at a meeting | Student action |
March 27, 2016 | SAF stages a banner drop at TCD during Easter Rising commemorations | Student action |
April 6, 2016 | Another open meeting sees a steering committee established for SAF | Student action |
April 28, 2016 | Protest against mental health service cuts | Student action |
May 6, 2016 | Fine Gael-Labour Party coalition dissolves | Government decision |
May 6, 2016 | Fine Gael-Independents coalition forms | Government decision |
July 2016 | Department of Housing releases circular permitting tourism use of PBSA outside of term time | Government decision |
July 11, 2016 | Cassells’ Report on education funding releases | Political event |
August 17, 2016 | USI votes to return to organizing a national rally | Political event |
September 24, 2016 | Over 300 students take part in ‘March For Choice’ protest | Student action |
September 27, 2016 | Irish Nurses and Midwives Organization (INMO) protest outside the Dáil over a dispute of student internship credit recognition | Student action |
October 2016 | Dublin City Development Plan (2016-2022) launcheds, includes guidelines for the development of PBSA | |
October 3, 2016 | A student newspaper remarks that the student movement has shifted towards a ‘lobbyist’ approach in recent years | Political event |
October 7, 2016 | SAF holds strategy meeting | Student action |
October 19, 2016 | USI national protest with 10,000-12,000 students | Student action |
November 16, 2016 | TCDGSU rejects a BDS motion | Political event |
November 21, 2016 | SAF votes to formalize its decision-making structures | Student action |
December 5, 2016 | QUBSU votes for a BDS motion | Political event |
2017 | Conservative Party majority government in the United Kingdom increases tuition fee cap to £9,250 | Government decision |
January 19, 2017 | Student-led protest for UN Disability Rights Convention ratification | Student action |
January 24, 2017 | SAF motion for fully-exchequer funded education passes TCDSU Council | Political event |
February 20, 2017 | Around 30 students from the TCD SJP, the renamed TCD Apartheid-Free Campaign, disrupt a talk by the Israeli ambassador | Student action |
February 24, 2017 | TCD refuses to accept TCD SJP’s 2,000-strong petition | Student action |
March 8, 2017 | Thousands of students participate in #Strike4Repeal for abortion rights | Student action |
March 9, 2017 | Students from TCD PBP and TCDSU hold a talk on the need to end direct provision | Student action |
March 15, 2017 | TCDSU votes to remain neutral on Irish reunification | Political event |
April 4, 2017 | TCDSU Council rejects a BDS motion against Israel | Political event |
June 14, 2017 | Fine Gael-Independents coalition dissolves | Government decision |
June 14, 2017 | Fine Gael-Independents coalition forms | Government decision |
July 2017 | National Student Accommodation Strategy launches | Government decision |
July 2017 | Government introduces a ‘fast-track’ planning process for PBSA | Government decision |
July 2017 | Government allows Housing Finance Agency to lend finance to academic institutions for student accommodation | Government decision |
August 2017 | CYM occupies three vacant properties near UCC | Student action |
September 22, 2017 | TCD increases postgraduate and non-EU student fees | Political event |
September 30, 2017 | Thousands take to the streets in the ‘March for Choice’ protest | Student action |
October 4, 2017 | USI march with 6,000 students | Student action |
October 7, 2017 | A student newspaper remarks that the student movement is picking up steam | Political event |
October 23, 2017 | SAF decides to focus on the housing crisis at meeting | Student action |
October 23, 2017 | TCD students find out that management increased postgraduate and non-EU student fees | Political event |
October 25, 2017 | TCDGSU votes to explore the option of striking in response at meeting | Student action |
November 13, 2017 | TCDGSU holds an open town hall on fee increases | Student action |
November 15, 2017 | Campaign to boycott Aramark launches at TCD | Student action |
November 18, 2017 | TCD students participate in a march against direct provision | Student action |
November 20, 2017 | TCD SJP begin organizing for a Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) referendum | Student action |
November 22, 2017 | TCDSU officially supports the Boycott Aramark campaign | Political event |
November 29, 2017 | 30 students at the Institute of Technology Tallaght occupy the boardroom in a sit-in protest | Student action |
December 9, 2017 | Students march for disability rights | Student action |
January 23, 2018 | Students learn of TCD’s plan to introduce supplemental exam fees | Political event |
February 22, 2018 | TCDSU referendum rejects supplemental exam fees | Political event |
February 22, 2018 | Workers at QUB and UU start strike action, supported by QUBSU and UUSU | Political event |
February 26, 2018 | TCD SJP announces it gathered 1,200 signatures for a BDS referendum | Political event |
February 28, 2018 | TCD approves a €450 supplemental exam fee, sparking protests | Political event |
March 2018 | Government issues ‘Design Standards for New Apartments – Guidelines for Planning Authorities’, includes planning guidelines for the development of PBSA | Government decision |
March 2, 2018 | NUIG students vote to support Irish Unity | Political event |
March 6, 2018 | Emergency TCDSU town hall leads to the formation of Take Back Trinity protests | Student action |
March 7, 2018 | 100 students protest a meeting of the TCD Finance Committee; students flooded TCD social media with negative reviews | Student action |
March 8, 2018 | Oisín Vince Coulter, a self-described militant radical, is elected President of TCDGSU | Political event |
March 8, 2018 | Students participate in a mass march for abortion rights | Student action |
March 8, 2018 | UCC students vote to support Irish Unity | Political event |
March 9, 2018 | Students block the entrance to the Book of Kells in protest | Student action |
March 9, 2018 | UCD students vote to support Irish Unity | Political event |
March 13, 2018 | Students occupy the Dining Hall to protest supplemental exam fees | Student action |
March 14, 2018 | Privately-hired security lock down the Dining Hall at TCD as students continued the occupation and hundreds of students participate in a rally outside of the building | Student action |
March 15, 2018 | Students end their occupation at TCD, victorious | Political event |
March 22, 2018 | TCDSU referendum to support BDS passes | Political event |
March 26, 2018 | DCU students start the ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ campaign against a 27% rise in student accommodation prices | Student action |
March 27, 2018 | TCDGSU threatens to strike at meeting should TCD not withdraw the fee increases | Student action |
March 28, 2018 | TCD officially agrees to withdraw supplemental exam fees and institute a policy of fee certainty | Political event |
March 28, 2018 | DCU students hold town hall to discuss the ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ campaign | Student action |
March 29, 2018 | DCU students hold a march from campus to Shanowen Residences | Student action |
March 30, 2018 | DCU campaign is discussed in the Dáil | Political event |
April 1, 2018 | UCD’s own grassroots group is set up, called UCD Free and Fair, no doubt influenced by Take Back Trinity | Student action |
April 3, 2018 | Calls are made to expand the Take Back Trinity movement at meeting | Student action |
April 3, 2018 | UCDSU passes motion to support BDS | Political event |
April 5, 2018 | 45 DCU students hold a sleep-out as part of their campaign | Student action |
April 5, 2018 | USI Congress passes motion to support BDS | Political event |
April 17, 2018 | DCU as part of ‘Shanowen Shakedown’ holds its own, albeit sparsely attended protest against the student accommodation crisis at the Dáil | Student action |
May 5, 2018 | NUIGSU sets up petition opposing a €1,000 rise in their student accommodation as part of the #CúirtShakedown campaign | Student action |
May 8, 2018 | 400 NUIG students protest a €1,000 rise in their student accommodation as part of the #CúirtShakedown campaign | Student action |
June 23, 2018 | TBTC holds a housing forum | Student action |
July 2018 | Government lifts height restrictions on new city buildings, allowing for higher density building | Government decision |
July 28, 2018 | TBTC holds an event called the National Festival of Direct Action | Student action |
July 30, 2018 | TCD’s fee certainty policy leads to a reversal of the previously proposed 5% fee hikes for postgraduate and non-EU students | Political event |
August 7, 2018 | TBTC occupy empty property on Summerhill Parade and hold a march in which 100 students participate | Student action |
August 11, 2018 | Activist workshop held involving Take Back Trinity and FEE members and other assorted student radicals | Student action |
August 15, 2018 | Take Back Trinity members participate in the Custom House occupation | Student action |
August 17, 2018 | TBTC occupy an empty property on North Frederick Street | Student action |
August 23, 2018 | TBTC protest with around 30 people and demand the resignation of Minister for Housing, Eoghan Murphy | Student action |
September 8, 2018 | TBTC occupy an empty property at Belvedere Place | Student action |
September 11, 2018 | Gardaí violently evict North Frederick Street TBTC occupation, injuring TCD student activist Conor Reddy in the process | Political event |
September 12, 2018 | TBTC organize solidarity rally against North Frederick Street eviction, TCDSU joins rally | Student action |
September 21, 2018 | USI mandated by a TCDSU emergency motion to support the TBTC rally due to be held the next day | Political event |
September 22, 2018 | TBTC holds national day of action, including 500-strong march and occupation of Glebe House | Student action |
October 1, 2018 | CYM disrupt Tánaiste Simon Coveney over housing crisis | Student action |
October 2, 2018 | Students protest Leader of Fianna Fáil Micheál Martin at TCD | Student action |
October 3, 2018 | Around 3,000 students march from the Garden of Remembrance to Leinster House for a housing protest | Student action |
October 9, 2018 | Budget 2019 disappoints students with only a €57 million funding increase for higher education | Political event |
October 13, 2018 | TBTC activists occupy an Airbnb in protest of housing policies | Student action |
October 16, 2018 | TBTC hold town hall and criticise the IUA for its neoliberal policies | Student action |
October 18, 2018 | DIT students protest against cuts to services and understaffing | Student action |
November 21, 2018 | TBTC occupy the RTB as part of housing protests | Student action |
November 29, 2018 | TBTC hold banner drop from Ha’Penny Bridge | Student action |
November 29, 2018 | NUIGSU loses its ‘Cúirt Shakedown’ case at the RTB | Political event |
January 24, 2019 | USI launch the Pharmacy Students’ Campaign Report with over 200 students in attendance | Student action |
February 19, 2019 | Student newspaper comment piece criticises TCDSU ‘hack culture’ | Political event |
March 1, 2019 | TBT veteran Laura Beston elected TCDSU President | Political event |
March 6, 2019 | TBT hold banner drop from TCD ahead of housing march | Student action |
March 15, 2019 | Over 10,000 students, second-level and third-level, in Dublin alone take part in the global climate strike | Student action |
March 21, 2019 | USI holds its annual protest for academia funding with walkouts taking place all over Ireland | Student action |
May 1, 2019 | CYM disrupt Fine Gael meeting in Cork | Student action |
May 19, 2019 | A “small cohort” of students join a housing march | Student action |
April 2019 | UCD’s Anti-Casualization group is set up to advocate for the rights of precarious workers | Student action |
April 17, 2019 | DCU students vote to support BDS after organizing by DCU SJP | Political event |
June 21, 2019 | Trinity increases campus and student accommodation rent by up to 6% | Political event |
July 15, 2019 | Residential Tenancies Act (Amendment) Act 2019 comes into effect | Political event |
September 20, 2019 | Thousands of Irish students participate in a global climate strike | Student action |
September 26, 2019 | ‘Cut the Rent’ group is set up at TCD with the aim of organizing a rent strike | Student action |
October 1, 2019 | Hurricane Lorenzo causes the cancellation of the “Break the Barriers” demonstration | Political event |
October 29, 2019 | TCDSU Council votes against supporting the Cut the Rent campaign | Political event |
November 2, 2019 | Trinity housing activists commit at a meeting to continuing their organizing despite setbacks | Student action |
November 7, 2019 | 30 students protest outside the TCD Provost’s house with a ‘mock eviction’ notice | Student action |
November 15, 2019 | USI vote to support student rent strikes | Political event |
November 19, 2019 | TCDSU Council vote to support the rent strike movement | Political event |
November 27, 2019 | Student housing activists postpone rent strike until the next academic year | Political event |
November 29, 2019 | TCDSU and Extinction Rebellion students protest outside the Dáil against climate inaction | Student action |
November 29, 2019 | UCDSU announces that its shops are BDS-compliant | Political event |
December 19, 2019 | Students protest the deportation order of a Carlow College student | Student action |
January 30, 2019 | UCD’s anti-commercialization grassroots group ‘Fix Our Education’ is set up | Student action |
February 4, 2020 | About 70 postgraduate researchers, led by TCDSU, TCDGSU and the newly-formed Trinity PhD Workers’ Rights group protest against casual pay rates cut | Student action |
February 18, 2020 | UCDSU, UCD Fix Our Education and UCD Anti-Casualisation attract a crowd of 100 in protest against UCD’s proposed 12% rent increase over three years | Student action |
February 20, 2020 | Students at TCD, jointly from the TCDSU and the Cut the Rent group, protest against the proposed rent increases and blocked Trinity’s Front Entrance | Student action |
February 20, 2020 | DCU students launch their own Cut the Rent group against rent increases | Student action |
February 20, 2020 | UCD students hold a sit-down protest in front of the governing body’s meeting in the UCD Student Center building over rent increases | Student action |
February 24, 2020 | DCUSU and DCU Cut the Rent group protest on-campus | Student action |
February 24, 2020 | UCCSU sets up its #OccupyTheQuad camp to protest a 19% rent-hike over three years | Student action |
February 27, 2020 | TCD students protest the rent increases by blocking off Trinity’s Front Entrance and dropping a banner from Regents’ House | Student action |
February 27, 2020 | UCD and the NUIG set up their own camps, in protest of the 12% increase over 3 years and a 4% increase of rents respectively | Student action |
March 4, 2020 | 100 students in UCD attempt to storm senior management’s restaurant premises | Student action |
March 12, 2020 | Due to Covid-19, all schools, colleges and childcare facilities are ordered to close | Political event |
May 27, 2020 | USI votes to lobby for rent suspensions during Covid-19 | Political event |
June 8, 2020 | UCD Anti-Casualisation suggest that graduate workers unionize | Student action |
June 27, 2020 | Fine Gael-Independents coalition dissolves | Government decision |
June 27, 2020 | Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Green Party coalition forms | Government decision |
July 17, 2020 | TCDSU and USI condemn the housing crisis | Student action |
December 16, 2020 | TCDSU launch a petition to reduce student fees | Student action |
March 8, 2021 | Students4Change, an independent alliance of socialist students is officially born | Student action |
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- Ibid ↑
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- Ibid ↑
- Ibid ↑
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- Ibid ↑
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- Ibid. ↑
- Ibid. ↑
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- McMahon, C., & Power, R. (2016). Highlighting College’s Desire for a New Funding Model, Vice-Provost Reminds Students They’re Marching for “Future Generations.” Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2016/10/highlighting-colleges-desire-for-a-new-funding-model-vice-provost-reminds-students-theyre-marching-for-future-generations/ ↑
- Baker, S. (2016b). In Tight Vote, Graduate Student’s Union Rejects Motion to Endorse Academic Boycott of Israel. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2016/11/in-tight-vote-graduate-students-union-rejects-motion-to-endorse-academic-boycott-of-israel/ ↑
- Ibid. ↑
- QUBSU. (2022). Live Policy File. QUBSU. https://www.qubsu.org/media/Media,1432102,smxx.pdf ↑
- Baker, S. (2017). Student-led Protest Calls on Government to Ratify UN Disability Rights Convention. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2017/01/student-led-protest-calls-on-government-to-ratify-un-disability-rights-convention/ ↑
- Lynch, N. (2017, January 24). TCDSU Council votes to support free third level education – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/01/tcdsu-council-votes-to-support-free-third-level-education/ ↑
- Kavanagh, C. (2017, January 24). Provost claims “we’re all coming from the same place” on funding issue in TCDSU Council address – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/01/provost-claims-were-all-coming-from-the-same-place-on-funding-issue-in-tcdsu-council-address/ ↑
- Lynch, N. (2017b, April 3). Students for Justice in Palestine fined for protest at Israeli ambassador talk – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/04/students-for-justice-in-palestine-fined-for-protest-at-israeli-ambassador-talk/ ↑
- Ibid. ↑
- Fox, K. (2017, March 8). #Strike4Repeal: Ireland protests abortion ban on International Women’s Day. CNN. https://edition.cnn.com/2017/03/08/health/ireland-abortion-strike-womens-day/index.html ↑
- Trinity News. (2017, March 9). What is Direct Provision and why must it end? – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/03/what-is-direct-provision-and-why-must-it-end/ ↑
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- Moriarty, N. (2017, March 15). TCDSU votes to stay neutral on Irish reunification – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/03/tcdsu-votes-to-stay-neutral-on-irish-reunification/ ↑
- Foley, M. (2017a, April 4). TCDSU Council votes against motion to boycott Israel – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/04/tcdsu-council-votes-against-motion-to-boycott-israel/ ↑
- Daire O’Driscoll. (2017, April 6). TCDSU President-elect Kevin Keane in controversy after speaking against Israel boycott – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/04/tcdsu-president-elect-kevin-keane-in-controversy-after-speaking-against-israel-boycott/ ↑
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- Slawson, N. (2017, September 30). Thousands march in Dublin calling for end to Ireland’s abortion ban. The Guardian; The Guardian. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2017/sep/30/thousands-march-in-dublin-calling-for-end-to-irelands-abortion-ban ↑
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- Foley, M. (2017, October 23). Students Against Fees decide to campaign against the housing crisis – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/10/students-against-fees-decide-to-campaign-against-the-housing-crisis/ ↑
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- O’Mahony, E., & Molloy, C. (2017). Campaign to Boycott Hamilton Cafes Launches. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2017/11/campaign-to-boycott-hamilton-cafes-launches/ ↑
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- Meehan, S. (2017, November 20). Students for Justice in Palestine launch campaign for boycott of Israel on anti-apartheid grounds – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2017/11/students-against-palestine-launch-campaign-for-boycott-of-israel-on-anti-apartheid-grounds/ ↑
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- Ibid ↑
- Ibid ↑
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- Ibid ↑
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- Ibid. ↑
- Editorial Board of the University Times. (2019). USI’s Protest Needed to Capture Significant Public Attention. But It Didn’t. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2019/03/usis-protest-needed-to-capture-significant-public-attention-but-it-didnt/ ↑
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- McKinney-Perry, R. (2019, November 29). UCD SU shops boycott Israeli goods – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2019/11/ucd-su-shops-boycott-israeli-goods/ ↑
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- Ibid ↑
- Moreau, E. (2018). “We’re Not Businesses”: UCD Students Protest Student Rent Increases. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2020/02/ucd-students-protest-12-rent-increases-outside-presidents-office/ ↑
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- Williams, M. (2020, February 21). DCU students launch Cut the Rent campaign following 4% rent increase announcement – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2020/02/dcu-students-launch-cut-the-rent-campaign-following-4-rent-increase-announcement/ ↑
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- DCU Students’ Union. (2020). x.com. X (Formerly Twitter). https://x.com/DCUSU/status/1231931695290601472 ↑
- O’Dwyer, S. (2020, March 12). “Occupy the Quad” protest ends on health and safety grounds. Echo Live. https://www.echolive.ie/corknews/arid-40124861.html ↑
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- Williams, M. (2020b, February 27). Students hold second protest against proposed rent increases – Trinity News. Trinity News. https://trinitynews.ie/2020/02/students-hold-second-protest-against-proposed-rent-increases/ ↑
- Kelly, E. O. (2020). Student protests over on-campus rent increases. RTE.ie. https://www.rte.ie/news/connacht/2020/0227/1117941-student-accommodation-protest/ ↑
- Gabija Gataveckaite. (2020, February 21). “We’ll do whatever we have to do” – students’ unions promise to protest until accommodation hikes are reversed. Irish Independent. https://www.independent.ie/irish-news/well-do-whatever-we-have-to-do-students-unions-promise-to-protest-until-accommodation-hikes-are-reversed/38979755.html ↑
- Fogarty, S. (2020). UCD Students in Standoff With Security, As Rent Protests Escalate. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2020/03/ucd-students-in-standoff-with-security-as-rent-protests-escalate/ ↑
- SIPTU Digital. (2020, March 4). SIPTU supports students rally to stop rent increases in UCD accommodation today – SIPTU – Services Industrial Professional and Technical Union. SIPTU – Services Industrial Professional and Technical Union. https://www.siptu.ie/siptu-supports-students-rally-to-stop-rent-increases-in-ucd-accommodation-today-21568/ ↑
- Reynolds, A. (2022). Contesting the financialization of student accommodation: campaigns for the right to housing in Dublin, Ireland. Housing Studies, 39(6), 1–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/02673037.2021.2023731 ↑
- MacNamee, D. (2020). UCC Calls in Mediator Ahead of Formal Talks With Students Over Rent Hikes. Universitytimes.ie. https://universitytimes.ie/2020/03/ucc-calls-in-mediator-ahead-of-formal-talks-with-students-over-rent-hikes/ ↑
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