The first-order consequences of imperial wars, most evidently the mass displacement of peoples, have direct effects on Europe’s material conditions, including migration pressures that people debate about yet too rarely trace back to their structural causes.
This universal mission still has meaning in the 21st century, a century of unparalleled greed. This is a century of capitalist turmoil and naked imperialism, a century of ever increasing inequality. The goal of Vatican II remains.
From the moment Two Jags Prescott declared, “We’re all middle-class now”, people like Gerry simply ceased to exist in the eyes of progressive and left-of-centre hacks. For a while, this cost progressive politics nothing: people like Gerry didn’t engage anyway. Until they did: with votes for Brexit, with a cruel witch hunt of Trans people, with wildfire riots on the streets of Stockport.
Woke left ideology begins when the movement stops centering the worker in their socialist activism. Protecting the rights of minority workers is always going to be of the highest importance but that struggle can only be fought by acknowledging people not just as whatever minority group they are part of but acknowledging them as a fellow worker and as comrade in the struggle for a 32 county democratic socialist Irish republic!
I leave this article with concrete suggestions as to what the Irish Left should laser-focus on in its messaging if it wishes to recapture the imagination of the people. The text here is exact. Wording is the most important in the production of propaganda.
Rosa posted over 500 Instagram posts in 2025, 0 of them were about childcare, 0 about medical misogyny, 0 about domestic labour inequality, 0 about the specific struggles faced by housewives. In this article Saoirse Éireann exposes Rosa’s failings on class.
In my previous article, I defined the traits of the “woke left” that the establishment left has used to insulate leftism to just a core group of their guys. These traits have been applied sometimes in sincerity but also as malicious tools to silence the radical left. In this response to Mia Craven’s “post mortem on the dirtbag left” I wish to establish some scientific basis in defence of Molnárfi’s call that we should all be dirtbag leftists.
In this piece Saoirse Éireann seeks to answer the question raised by J.D. Troy as to “what makes something woke left” setting out the three main characteristics of “the woke left” and how they apply to Ireland.
This is a response to Molnárfi’s ‘The Emperor Has No Clothes’ in which he calls for an open and written debate. My piece engages in good spirits with this call, seeking to critically reply to his statements on immigration and the ‘woke left.’
In this piece, Cillian Ó Riain analyses the debate on Left-Right Anti-Zionist cooperation, draws conclusions on the class origins of these ideologies, and suggests what the Left-Wing Anti-Zionist attitude should be to Right-Wing opposition of Israel, through criticising an earlier article.
