Will the Left Learn the Lessons from the Failure of Past Counter-Demonstrations?

This article is not meant to condemn activists. Rather, it seeks to condemn activism for the sake of activism. 

The Irish Left has been facing issues in recent years, with polls showing a timeline of steady decline. Arguably, the face of the Irish Left, People Before Profit (PBP), have endured a drop from 9% 2016 to 2.8% 2024 in popular support. New parties have been set up, imported internationally or split from PBP in recent times all trying to build a cohesive and strong Left in Ireland through their respective ideological visions. 

To ponder whether any one of them will succeed or predict whether PBP will make a populist breakthrough is not the purpose of this article. Instead, the focus will be  on a serious issue that is not or is sparsely getting the attention it merits. This is  the tactic of countering the 'Nativists' or, if you want to show off, the 'Nazis' or 'Fascists' on our streets. In this article, we will use the term 'far-right' to describe this movement.

The point of this article is to point to a series of 'teachable moments' that seem to have not been learned. These moments have led to morale-destroying defeats for the Irish Left and propaganda victories for the Irish far-right that have not only strengthened them but have led to them gaining a cultural-political influence and electoral foothold. Politicians change their tune on immigration and asylum-seekers while trying to capture these voters and carry out the far-right programme to entice them. One such example is Jim Callaghan, Minister of Justice deporting families that had built social links and were members of the community, only to tear them out of that social fabric under a ‘rules-based’ approach that would have been unthinkable not even a decade ago.

These teachable moments relate to tactics in how we counter the anti-immigration and anti-asylum seeker crowd and their influence. This crowd, despite being a loud minority, have been able to crush the Left by sheer numbers, mobilising quickly and being able to capture large segments of the working class; to illustrate this, there will be a focus on a handful of counter demonstrations organised by umbrella left organisations, such as United Against Racism, that were defeated or made impotent. The video of activists shouting 'Nazi scum off our street!' behind a Gardaí line is by now a familiar one.

Arguably, this pattern of defeat began with the Citywest Hotel protest in early 2023, where activists faced off agitators and locals while it was being used as a transit hub for asylum seekers from various nationalities, including, at the time, recently displaced Ukrainians.

At the time, as it is now, people were for or against it for their own reasons; some believing that their community could not take the strain of more people on public services in a historically deprived area, some came based on a conspiracy that it was all men and others came for human decency or a belief in upholding human rights.

However, what should be noted is that the Left at this counter-demonstration were steadily outnumbered; it was at the point where activists had to link arms to prevent any harm or losing each other to the other side, which had steadily increased in numbers more consistently to the point their numbers were spilling onto the road while the Left stagnated and hurriedly left.

Ultimately, there was harassment of activists, photos were taken, and people were cyberstalked and targeted with impunity; bad as it was, it could have been worse. Still, it was a humiliation all the same for the Irish Left. To add insult to injury,  there had to be a Garda escort for these activists, who had been outnumbered, allowing the other side to claim a victory on behalf of the 'Irish people.' 

What should be noted is that after this defeat, in May 2023, there was further intensification of violence, when the far right set fire to tents on Upper Sandwith Street around the corner from the international Protection Office on Mount Street. At the time, refugees pitched tents up and down and around the building while waiting for their application to be processed. Some lost the paperwork of their application as a result of these far-right arson attacks. 

What should be noted is that there was a solid line of activists protecting the camp. To their credit, they stood their ground and were able to get accommodation sorted for people camping  there, even after an attempted charge, so in a way, it can be interpreted as a victory. This does not contradict the fact that there had to be another Garda escort out of Sandwith Street, and what was worse, the Gardaí were not  particularly eager to maintain the line. They were  out maneuvered by the nativists and local residents, who were able to  block routes, with some activists getting away  through the gates of Trinity,  only for the nativists to block that way out. Many had to get taxis home out of fear of being followed on the bus.

This defeat can be interpreted as a catalyst. Anti-immigrant protests, especially across Dublin, would double that year, going from under 400 in 2022 to 617 in 2023, becoming increasingly daring with open harassment, arson attacks on IPAS centres, and, of course, the Dublin Riot the same year.  It was a carnival of reaction. We had been run over repeatedly by this small minority, naming them in the Dáil did not stop them and rebutting them did not matter when, broadly, people felt they were being cheated as they are. This feeling was successfully directed into scapegoating minority groups.

This trend would continue in Clondalkin, where, despite an initial victory in which activists sang 'cheerio,' only to be outnumbered within an hour or two near the IPAS centre, the result was yet another Garda escort out for the activists with one organiser being shoved to the ground before this. Notably, the PBP representative of the area, Gino Kenny, would be voted out of this constituency in 2024

What is most  damning about these three cases  presented is that despite some wins, there have been very serious losses, the lessons seemingly unlearned.  These estates from Citywest to Sandwith Street in the inner city to Clondalkin are all working class areas.  These are the people that are appealed to the most by the Left. In some cases, they have spat at, assaulted and harassed the same activists who claim to be for their interests. How has the Irish Left addressed this? Some on the Left went further left, donning black bloc clothing at a 200-strong counter-demonstration at the GPO in April 2025, letting off flares, confronting Garda and stewards who were working to  prevent any escalation, and then at the end having Gardaí loom over them as they got out of their black bloc outfit. All this, while  the anti-immigration march of 10,000  walked on, unbothered, despite shouts of  'Nazi Scum'. Even the more mainstream politicians have been seriously threatened with protests held outside their home, it is not unfair to say that the far-right have been emboldened by defeats on the Left.

From now on, there is one main takeaway, one key lesson that should have  been learned at the start: not to enter a protest where you could be outnumbered, and to make sure you have the numbers to beat them. It is  not like this is  impossible. After all, mere months before Sandwith Street, there was the colossal Ireland for All solidarity march that mobilised 50,000 people to not just stand against racism, but misogyny, scapegoating of minorities and transphobia,  driving home solely the point that it is the government to blame for this crisis-ridden society It is a winning message; it is an anti-establishment message. What happened to this type of momentum? It is still present sporadically in solidarity with Palestine demonstrations. What gives?

How come the broad Irish Left can call on such high numbers yet get beaten time and again at counter-demonstrations? It points to the fact that there is an issue in the Irish Left; there is a reliance on what has been pointed out by other authors on this site, that it is  the same old two hundred or so odd activists that regularly attend these demonstrations. This may be the first time it has been openly published.

I raise this issue precisely because it points to a truth that the Irish Left is, at the end of the day, small. Some would point out that despite the size, there have been significant changes in Irish society, such as the same-sex and abortion referendum over a decade ago. What has happened since? Nowadays, it is not  hard to see that activists from back then, even those opposed to water charges, have gone over to the far right.

It points to the uncomfortable observation that the Irish left have ridden the wave for a while now. We have  been coming down the last while with no real change in our approach to the Irish working class. Rather, we have  been chasing an Abstract Proletariat: if we appeal to them on pressing issues, we will  garner attention and support by proposing bills to address cost-of-living, bills that will address fuel costs and what have you at a given time. However, what is needed is to look more deeply, look at our political opponents more closely, examine how they have  approached social classes and their unique legacies in Irish society and how we can exploit these aspects. For example, by appealing to grassroots nationalism and the aspiration for Ireland's self-determination, historical memory, and popular culture, Sinn Féin has been able to rise to become the leading opposition to the dominant FF-FG duopoly and seriously challenge it. However, only time will tell whether this could be a 'new normal' of Sinn Fein remaining in permanent opposition, not enough numbers to govern, but enough to vent grievances and offering a wisp of a programme of a Left government, especially given the material changes in their policy while maintaining the veneer of being republican, as detailed by Kieran Allen, such as the dropping their demand of a modest 1% wealth tax in 2023, even the softest of ‘Left’ policies is too much for them!

In short, there needs to be a serious ideological interrogation of the Irish left as it is now. Is eco-socialism popular? Is Trotskyism the way to go? What about collective leadership? Is Labour or Labour-Lite a valid approach? What about Green Politics? What about Socialist Republicanism? Do we go with what is most popular? How do we address burnout or loss of hope? How do we prevent splits in the Left? A rainbow coalition? What is Left? 

What should be done above all else in answering these questions is to go into working class estates where you will  see Irish flags in people's windows, and you will  meet these people with dreams and hopes of a better Ireland, but which way will they go? The ballot box, revolution or, as more will see the writing on the wall, potential, counter-revolution?

Bibliography

Allen, Kieran. “Sinn Féin’s Southern Strategy.” Archive.org, 2023. https://web.archive.org/web/20231215090606/https://irishmarxistreview.net/index.php/imr/article/view/497.

Colman O'Sullivan. “Tens of Thousands Attend Anti-Racism March in Dublin.” RTE.ie, February 18, 2023. https://www.rte.ie/news/2023/0218/1357388-diversity-marches/.

Garvey, Maurice. “Garda Have ‘Back up Presence’ at Protest.” Echo.ie, February 3, 2023. https://www.echo.ie/garda-have-back-up-presence-at-protest/.

Gilbert, Chris . “Global South Struggles for Socialism and the Workers’ Side of Marxism - Monthly Review.” Monthly Review, March 2026. https://monthlyreview.org/articles/global-south-struggles-for-socialism-and-the-workers-side-of-marxism/.

Hilliard, Mark , Harry McGee, and Nathan Johns. “Fire Thought to Have Caused Extensive Damage at Dublin City Migrant Camp.” The Irish Times, 2023. https://www.irishtimes.com/ireland/2023/05/12/gardai-separate-protesting-groups-at-dublin-city-migrant-camp/.

Molnárfi, László , Mia Craven, and Ó Súilleabháin Doire. “Warning from Citywest: How the Left Let the Right Set the Agenda.” The Young Irelander, November 28, 2025. https://theyoungirelander.wordpress.com/2025/11/28/warning-from-citywest-how-the-left-let-the-right-set-the-agenda/.

RTÉ News. “Poll Indicates Rise in Support for AAA - PBP.” RTE.ie, October 29, 2016. https://www.rte.ie/news/2016/1029/827856-anti-austerity-alliance-people-before-profit/.

Tyrrell, Emma. “Anti-Immigrant Protests in Dublin Doubled in 2023 - Gardaí.” www.98fm.com, March 6, 2024. https://www.98fm.com/news/anti-immigrant-protests-in-dublin-doubled-in-2023-gardai-1648638.

Wikipedia Contributors. “2024 Irish General Election.” Wikipedia. Wikimedia Foundation, December 10, 2024. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_Irish_general_election.

Matthews, Jane. “Taoiseach among multiple politicians whose homes were targeted over weekend by protesters.” January 8, 2024. https://www.thejournal.ie/paul-murphy-varadkar-mary-lou-protest-home-6266816-Jan2024/ 

McAuley, Eimer. “Anti-immigrant protesters picket home of Paul Murphy, partner and new baby.” April 24, 2023. https://www.thejournal.ie/paul-murphy-protest-6052311-Apr2023/ 

Byrne, Laura and McAuley, Eimer. “Dublin school ‘devastated to lose children who were deported, principal says.” June 5, 2025. https://www.thejournal.ie/deportations-ireland-6724513-Jun2025/